Ilter Türkmen,
ex-Foreign Minister of Turkey
(24th October
l983, Cumhuriyet)
As the
former Prime Minister of Turkey, Ismet Inönü spoke of the Turkish policy on
Cyprus in the Turkish Grand National Assembly in 1964, he underlined: “We want to stay within
the legal framework, that is why, instead of partition, we say “federation”!
The
intercommunal negotiations continued from 1968 up to 1974 within the
framework of a unitary state until April 1974, when Ecevit got into power in
Ankara and put federal solution of the Cyprus problem in his government
programme and Rauf Denktash gave a statement that a separate Turkish-Cypriot
State would be declared soon.
The fascist coup of summer 1974 was aimed at
the overthrow of the head of the non-aligned Republic of Cyprus, Makarios, who,
unless Greece did not declare it first, resisted to give a statement to the
effect that enosis was dead once and for all. As Makarios escaped death and the
coup was unsuccessful, it was Turkey’s turn five days later to implement the
partition plan of the Anglo-Americans. By the second military operation of
Turkey, two days before the 14th anniversary of the vulnerable Republic of
Cyprus, the island was already divided into two, realizing the Turkish dream, instead of the Greek dream,
enosis.
When yet another round of intercommunal talks
started, the aim was to establish a federal Cyprus in face of the realities (!)
after the war of 1974. It took the Greek-Cypriot side a long time to digest a
“federal” solution, which was put forward by the Turkish side officially. By
the time the Government of Cyprus was ready to discuss a genuine federal
solution to the long-existing ethnic-national question on the island, there was
already an established division between the two communities. Various
resolutions of the UN were not implemented by the intervening power, as the
Turkish-Cypriot side consolidated its position, first under the name of
“Turkish-Cypriot Federated State and then as a separate “Turkish Republic of
Northern Cyprus” with the military and financial support of Turkey, which was
supposed to be one of the so-called guarantor powers of the independence,
sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus.
The
Turkish-Cypriot leader, Rauf
Denktash, was giving statements to the effect that if there would be a
federal framework, the two sides had to educate their people for such a future
solution, whereas the official Turkish
propaganda was for the complete separation of the two communities, while the
smuggling between the two sides never stopped, even a day.
When we formed in September 1989 in Nicosia the first
bi-communal group since 1958 under the name of “The Movement for an Independent
and Federal Cyprus”, the Turkish-Cypriot leadership was embarrassed and a small
group of Denktash’s supporters were quick enough only after two days to declare
the formation of the Movement of the Turkish-Cypriot Intellectuals for
Self-determination for counter-propaganda purposes. At the end of October 1989, Denktash was reported as
saying: “We have to determine through an ideological movement what kind of
federation the Turkish-Cypriot people is seeking.”(Birlik, 1.11.1989) He was
interpreting federalism as if it was confederalism and this policy blocked even
the UN negotiations.
Until March 1990, our Movement was able to meet
twice at the Ledra Palace Hotel where we approved the “Basic Principles and
Views” of our Movement and we published it in three languages. The response of
the ordinary people from both sides to our activities was very encouraging.
Three Turkish-Cypriot opposition leaders were given the chance to put their
views on Cyprus problem in front of the Greek-Cypriot audience for the first
time, while the Greek-Cypriot political figures were rejected to be given
permission to do the same in front of the Turkish-Cypriot audience. A Committee
for the Cooperation of the Cypriot Medical Professionals was formed in December
1989. Almost 100 participants started a
discussion on how we approached to a federal Cyprus, but unfortunately we could
not get the permission to convene our fourth meeting. The student
demonstrations at the check-point near Ledra Palace Hotel in March 1990 gave
the pretext to the Turkish-Cypriot leadership to stop giving permission to our
bi-communal contacts.
Mr. Atakol asked me to give a statement that we
were not living under Turkish occupation which I rejected to do so and
later I was put on the black list by
Mr.Denktash. Our Movement was attacked by Denktash himself at the end of
November 1990 on the ground that we did not report about our meetings to the
Turkish-Cypriot authorities and that by asking for free communication and more
contacts between the two sides on all levels, we did not follow the official
policy.
Our Committee made recourse to the Human Rights
Commission of the Council of Europe in May 1991 against the Turkish-Cypriot
administration of the Republic of Cyprus. Because of the continuation of the
ban on my freedom of movement and freedom of association with my compatriots in
my own country, I put my second complaint in September 1992 in Strasbourg this
time against Turkey, whose armed forces are responsible for the visits to the
other side of the green-line. The decision of the Commission is still pending.
Bearing in mind that between 1989 and 1996, I
have got 102 times negative answers to my 124 applications for bi-communal
political, cultural, medical, social and other contacts, I am pessimistic about
a possible change of policy from the Turkish-Cypriot leadership for free
contacts between the citizens. Unless the embassies of the Big Powers are
involved in them, the Turkish-Cypriot Leadership is very reluctant to permit
the Turkish-Cypriots to contact their compatriots either in the buffer-zone or
in the south of the Green-line. The visits of the Greek-Cypriots to the north
of the Green-line are very seldom. It is noteworthy that for the
American-guided and -financed Conflict Resolution Groups, where Mr.Denktash has
placed a number of his stooges for close-monitoring of the activities, the
permissions are granted on permanent basis. Only in very rare cases, they were
hindered for a while because of political climate at that time.
Many round of talks in New York or elsewhere
ended up with no progress because of the
intransigence of the Turkish side on separatism. Mr. Denktash reported
as saying: “The Greek-Cypriots are not willing to make a federal state with
us!” (Kıbrıs, 5.11.1992) Has Mr.Denktash ever believed in genuine federalism?
He has been the one, working for partition and two separate states, banning all
the contacts for those who are trying to create an atmosphere of understanding
between the two communities in Cyprus. As the editor of the Cyprus Mail wrote
on 8th October 1992, “only individuals sympathetic to the regime are allowed to
have contacts with the Greek-Cypriots and cross the green-line - this being
part of the wider Turkish plan for partition of the island.”
The federalists have to win over the
separatists on both sides. Although the three opposition Turkish-Cypriot
parties (CTP, TKP, YKP) are for a federal solution, their voice is very
low-toned that at the end of the day, the official policy wins the propaganda
war. We have to unveil the separatist essence of the policy of the
Turkish-Cypriot leadership and stop the division of our home-country through a
genuine federal solution. Because Mr.Denktash knows very well that his castle
of playing cards (TRNC) will collapse when the Turkish Army leaves and free
contacts start, as it was the case in 1968 after the Greek Army left.
What we need is to secure more international
support for the implementation of the relevant UN resolutions on Cyprus and we
have to disclose the separatist policy of the Turkish-Cypriot leadership by
defending the internationally recognized principles of federalism. Cyprus is so
small to be divided and there should be an end to the imperialist plans which
still insist on keeping our island as an unsinkable aircraft-carrier in the Eastern Mediterranean. The complete
demilitarization of Cyprus, as a whole, has to accompany a UN-guaranteed
federal solution, otherwise the war-mongers on both sides will prepare a new
mess for us.
(Published
in “Hade”-bicommunal magazine, No.1, November 1998)
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