HOW MANY TURKISH CYPRIOTS REMAIN IN CYPRUS[78]
INTRODUCTION
Between 1974 and the present Turkey has
populated northern Cyprus with more than 100,000 Turkish settlers. This, of
course, constitutes an international crime and a violation of Article 49(6)
of the 4th Geneva Convention of 1949 which provides that "[t]he
occupying power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian
population into territory it occupies." Turkish settlers are given the
properties of the evicted Greek Cypriots, are granted the citizenship of
the internationally unrecognised TRNC, and vote together with the
indigenous Turkish Cypriots such that the election results in northern
Cyprus do not reflect the real will of the latter. The Turkish Cypriot
leadership considers the settlers—who now make up the majority of the
population in northern Cyprus—as members of the Turkish Cypriot community.
This is an important consideration since the settlers will be entitled to
vote as part of the Turkish Cypriot community in the coming referendum on
the Annan Plan which is supposed to let Cypriots decide the future of their
divided island.
1.1 The census of 1960
The last census covering all of the
Republic of Cyprus' inhabitants was taken on 11 December 1960. The number
of Turkish Cypriots at that time was 104,320. Adding the 475 Moslem gypsies
and other Moslems, the total came to 104,942. The number of Christians was
473,265. (Census of Population and Agriculture 1960, Government Printing
Office, Nicosia, 1962)
1.2 The total number of Turkish Cypriots
immediately before the Turkish invasion of 1974
Because the Turkish Cypriots left the
structure of the Cypriot state after the outbreak of inter-communal clashes
at the end of 1963, no census covering the Turkish Cypriots could be
conducted thereafter. According to the study of Canadian researcher,
Richard A. Patrick, who served as an officer in UNFICYP, entitled
"Political Geography and the Cyprus Conflict 1963-197 1"",
(1976) there were a total of 119,147 Turkish Cypriots living in the Turkish
Cypriot settlements on the island. The population estimates of the Greek
Cypriot administration put the number at 114,960.
1.3 The total number of Turkish Cypriots
in 1974
The traumatic events of the summer of 1974
culminated in a Turkish military invasion which effectively divided Cyprus.
Shortly after the division, the following information was provided in a
report prepared by Mr Ahmet Sami, the secretary-general of the Ministry of
Internal Affairs and Justice of the "Autonomous Turkish-Cypriot
Administration", dated 20 October 1974:
"A total of 83,719 Turkish Cypriots
live on the territory of the `Autonomous Turkish Cypriot administration'.
There were 32,039 Turkish Cypriots left in the south. Approximately 10,000
of them are in the SBA, 4,200 in Limassol and in its villages, 12,000 in
Paphos district, 2,630 in the Larnaca district, 3,209 in the villages of
Nicosia district. It was stated in the same report that until 19 October
1974, about 12,000 Turkish Cypriots had moved to the north".
According to the information given above,
there were 71,719 Turkish Cypriots living north of and 44,039 Turkish
Cypriots living south of the partition line, making a total of 115,758.
This essentially confirms the estimates published in the Patrick study.
1.4 First arrivals of Turkish settlers
from mainland Turkey
According to an article published in Zaman
on 9 August 1977, Mr Hakki Atun, the Minister for Settlement and
Rehabilitation of the "Federated State of the Turkish Cypriots",
had declared that 20,934 families, ie 83,650 Turkish Cypriots were settled
in the north between 1974 and 1977. As the number of Turkish Cypriots
coming from the south was 44,039, the remaining 39,611 persons must have
been settlers transferred from Turkey.
Turkish settlers were first brought in from
Anatolia in October 1974 on the pretext that "they would work in the
hotels and gardens left behind by the Greek Cypriots". In January 1975
the families of Turkish military personnel killed in Cyprus in the war of
1974 were also settled in the north. This practice was extended further to granting
houses and plots of land to anyone wishing to settle in Cyprus.
On 10 June 1976 Zaman reported Mr Rauf
Denktash's response to those in the north who criticized how the
resettlement was being conducted, as follows: "It was a matter of
uprooting and resettling about 80 thousand people. This magnificent mission
was accomplished by human beings, who could make mistakes."
Mr Denktash's statements confirmed that as
early as 1976 the number of Turkish settlers almost matched the number of
Turkish Cypriots resettled from the south to the north.
1.5 Turkish settlers at the end of 1983
In the draft "Second Five-Year
Development Plan" prepared by the State Planning Bureau and published
in September 1983, it was stated that 91,225 persons were re-settled
between 1974 and 1982 on the territory of the "Federated State of the
Turkish Cypriots". As the number of Turkish Cypriot refugees coming
from the south was 44,039, the number of Turkish citizens settled in
northern Cyprus can be estimated at 47,186. No official statistics were
ever published.
The Turkish Cypriot population in 1960 was
104,942 and in 1974 it was 115,758. As of 1974, however, reference to the
numbers of the "Turkish Cypriots" also included the Turkish
settlers. It is clear that the number of Turkish settlers was constantly
rising. A census taken on 26.5.1990 to determine the number of voters
before the next general election showed that the "Turkish
Cypriot" population had reached 173,224. Mr Rauf Denktash ultimately
revealed why detailed population statistics were never disclosed: "If
we disclose them, they will know who came from where!" (Yeni Duzen, 23
July 1993)
1.6 The Cuco Report
The Spanish parliamentarian, Alfonse Cuco,
Rapporteur of the Committee on Migration, Refugees and Demography of the
Council of Europe (CoE), prepared a report on the "Structure of the
Cypriot Communities" dated 27 April 1992, which was discussed by the
Parliamentary Assembly of the CoE. The Assembly adopted Resolution No 1197
on 7 October 1992, which recommended that the Committee of Ministers
instruct the European Population Committee to conduct a census of the
island's population, in cooperation with the authorities concerned, in
order to replace population estimates with reliable data. The authorities of
the Republic of Cyprus and the Turkish Cypriot administration were
requested to keep the arrival of aliens on the island under strict control.
Turkey was invited to register at its Cyprus Consulate all Turkish citizens
residing and arriving in Cyprus.
It is unfortunate that since then no census
has been conducted in the north of the island under international
observation; the exact number of Turkish settlers remains undetermined.
1.7 The first Turkish Cypriot official
census
The results of the first official census
conducted by the Turkish Cypriot authorities on 15 December 1996 and
evaluated by the State Institute of Statistics in Ankara, were publicized
two years later. According to this data, the de facto population of
northern Cyprus was 200,587 and the de jure population was 188,662.
The difference between the two was
explained by Mr Ahmet Bulunc, Adviser of the State Planning Bureau, who
stated that on the day of the census 11,925 persons had declared that their
permanent residence was outside the TRNC.
The results of the census were as follows:
|
Total population
|
200,587 (100%)
|
|
Citizens of the TRNC
|
164,460 (82%)
|
|
Born in the TRNC
|
137,398
|
|
Born in Turkey
|
23,924
|
|
Born in a 3rd country
|
3,138
|
|
Citizens of Turkey
|
30,702 (15%)
|
|
Students
|
8,287
|
|
Employed
|
12,922
|
|
Unemployed
|
1,327
|
|
Other (private business, pensioners, etc.)
|
8,166
|
|
Citizens of a 3rd country
|
5,425 (3%)
|
|
|
The number of Greek Cypriots living in the
north was 384 and the number of Cypriot Maronites 173.
The census does not specify the number of
children born in the TRNC to Turkish parents. There is no mention of the
approximately 35,000 Turkish soldiers in Cyprus, nor of their dependents.
It is further estimated that in addition there are about 25 or 30 thousand
illegal workers, pushing the total of the de facto population even higher.
According to information provided by
sources who would like their identity to remain undisclosed, approximately
46,000 people have been granted TRNC citizenship since 1974 and 20-25
thousand of those do not live permanently in the TRNC. (Avrupa, 31.1.1998)
This number includes famous Turkish politicians and parliamentarians.
Mr Kenan Akin, who originates from mainland
Turkey and was the TRNC Minister of Agriculture and Forestry, disclosed
that there were 60,000 mainland settlers in the TRNC. (Avrupa, 6.6.1998)
1.8 By 1998 at least one-third of the
population in northern Cyprus consisted of mainland Turkish settlers
The idea of re-establishing a political
party like the "Rebirth Party" of the Turkish settlers (the party
had merged with the Democratic Party in 1992) surfaced after the general
elections of 6 December 1998. An advertisement published by Turkish settlers
read: ". . . nearly one-third of the population at large were
cunningly divided and their just and balanced representation in parliament
was obstructed." (Hürriyet-Kibris, 22 December 1998)
It is evident therefore that in the total
population of the TRNC the number of those originating from mainland Turkey
ranges between 60 and 80 thousand and reaches beyond 100 thousand if one
includes the illegal workers.
1.9 Recent Figures
Displayed
below is the list of passengers arriving at and departing from the TRNC
airports and seaports, by year and citizenship.
|
Arrivals
|
|
|
|
|
Departures
|
|
|
|
Year
|
TRNC
|
Turkey
|
Other
|
Total
|
TRNC
|
Turkey
|
Other
|
Total
|
|
1974
|
5,098
|
5,573
|
1,022
|
11,693
|
6,093
|
4,193
|
804
|
11,090
|
|
1975
|
13,365
|
73,831
|
6,577
|
94,043
|
29,842
|
51,465
|
5,943
|
87,250
|
|
1976
|
30,764
|
83,440
|
4,552
|
118,756
|
31,454
|
80,347
|
4,985
|
116,786
|
|
1977
|
33,570
|
108,016
|
5,113
|
146,699
|
34.450
|
97,142
|
5,377
|
137,059
|
|
1978
|
35,449
|
104,738
|
8,177
|
148,364
|
36,410
|
103,108
|
7,802
|
147,320
|
|
1979
|
47,839
|
95,095
|
13,286
|
156,220
|
46,858
|
92,956
|
12,619
|
152,433
|
|
1980
|
51,204
|
69,810
|
14,793
|
135,087
|
53,135
|
68,727
|
14,082
|
135,944
|
|
1981
|
52,933
|
62,182
|
15,471
|
131,216
|
52,371
|
44,912
|
15,512
|
112,795
|
|
1982
|
49,870
|
62,058
|
22,811
|
134,739
|
51,764
|
66,172
|
22,631
|
140,567
|
|
1983
|
58,908
|
78,467
|
20,467
|
157,842
|
66,660
|
76,386
|
20,300
|
157,346
|
|
1984
|
57,929
|
93,193
|
18,925
|
170,767
|
56,763
|
90,403
|
19,511
|
166,677
|
|
1985
|
53,860
|
103,791
|
21,284
|
178,935
|
54,599
|
102,754
|
21,049
|
178,402
|
|
1986
|
55,076
|
105,729
|
25,763
|
186,568
|
55,788
|
105,492
|
25,603
|
186.883
|
|
1987
|
59,602
|
149,394
|
36,448
|
245,444
|
60,954
|
149,980
|
36,995
|
247,929
|
|
1988
|
60,178
|
173,351
|
56,050
|
289,579
|
62,243
|
169,501
|
53,966
|
285,710
|
|
1989
|
68,583
|
214,566
|
59,507
|
342,656
|
68,212
|
209,837
|
58,562
|
336,611
|
|
1990
|
74,681
|
243,269
|
57,541
|
375,491
|
73,771
|
541,764
|
57,615
|
373,150
|
|
1991
|
66,012
|
179,379
|
40,858
|
286,249
|
66,627
|
178,770
|
40,502
|
285,899
|
|
1992
|
78,466
|
210,178
|
57,440
|
346,084
|
80,304
|
209,045
|
57,380
|
246,729
|
|
1993
|
03,669
|
281,370
|
77,943
|
452,982
|
97,702
|
281,160
|
78,876
|
457,738
|
|
1994
|
109,878
|
256,539
|
95,079
|
461,415
|
113,012
|
252,813
|
94,514
|
460,339
|
|
1995
|
134,374
|
298,026
|
87,733
|
520,133
|
136,803
|
291,058
|
87,214
|
515,075
|
|
1996
|
133,072
|
289,131
|
75,985
|
498,188
|
135,079
|
286,691
|
75,337
|
497,107
|
|
1997
|
138,109
|
326,364
|
73,000
|
537,473
|
138,884
|
321,208
|
71,853
|
531,945
|
|
1998
|
134,274
|
315,797
|
77,230
|
527,301
|
134,823
|
385,466
|
(*)
|
519,749
|
|
1999
|
136,210
|
334,400
|
79,615
|
550,225
|
136,022
|
407,886
|
|
543,908
|
|
2000
|
140,302
|
347,712
|
85,241
|
573,225
|
141,156
|
433,408
|
|
574,564
|
|
2001
|
127,738
|
277,718
|
87,346
|
492,802
|
129,585
|
359,557
|
|
489.142
|
|
2,101,392
|
6,169,734
|
8,271,126
|
2,144,914
|
6,051,233
|
|
|
8,196,147
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
(*) Refers to the total number of citizens from Turkey
and Third Countries starting from 1998, stated in the Statistical
Yearbooks.
The population
of the occupied areas for the year 2001 was put at 212,500 in Supplement 5
of the Report entitled, "The Colonisation by Turkish Settlers of the
Occupied Part of Cyprus", of 2 May 2003 (Doc 9799), which was prepared
by Finnish parliamentarian Jaakko Laakso in the name of the Committee on
Migration, Refugees and Demography of the Parliamentary Assembly of the CoB.
The estimated number of Turkish Cypriots is 87,600 (down from circa 115,000
in 1974) and the estimated number of Turkish settlers is 115,000.
1.10 The actual number of Turkish
Cypriots is not known
The number of Cypriot-born TRNC citizens,
137,398, does not indicate the actual number of the original Turkish
Cypriots in the TRNC, because it includes the children of the Turkish
settlers.
In an article entitled, "Revelation:
Turks have reached 25% of the population Colonization speeds up and changes
dimension", Greek Cypriot newspaper Fileleftheros reported that
although not all have been given TRNC citizenship, the number of mainland
Turks in northern Cyprus has reached 120,000. Fileleftheros added that
there are clear sigus that Ankara has accelerated the process of changing
the demographic structure of northern Cyprus radically, both in quantity
and in quality.
Fileleftheros, relying on information
collected and evaluated by various channels, further alleged that "the
number of Turkish Cypriots did not exceed 86,800 at the end of 1998. This
means that their proportion in the Cypriot population has dropped from 18%
to 11%."
The newspaper continued: "The number
of the colonists is already over 120,000 and is between 125 and 128
thousand. According to the Report of the Statistics Department, the Turkish
Cypriot emigration wave continues and 54,000 of them have already left. The
number of Turkish Cypriots was only 88,200 at the end of December 1997.
Instead of increasing they have decreased in number." (Cited in Halkin
Sesi, 1.3. 1999)
1.11 Conclusion
Since 1974 Turkish Cypriots have become a
minority in their own land whilst northern Cyprus remains under the
occupation and control of the Turkish military. The demographic structure
there has been changed significantly through Turkey's displacement of
170,000 Greek Cypriots, its mass transfer of settlers from mainland Turkey,
and the emigration of Turkish Cypriots to third countries. So much then for
Turkey's respect for international law, in general, and the Hague
Regulations of 1907 and the 4th Geneva Convention of 1949 in particular.
2. WHO GOVERNS THE TURKISH CYPRIOT COMMUNITY
INTRODUCTION
It seems that the 50-year-old adventure of
Turkey in Cyprus and its relationship with Rauf Denktash has come full
circle. Criticizing the new Turkish government during a visit to the
premises of the Hurriyet newspaper in Istanbul, Rauf Denktash made the
following statement:
"During the past 40
years You have secretly given arms to a handful of persons, urging them to
fight for Turkism and Turkey, and we have spent our lives doing so. Now you
cannot say that our struggle was wrong and unnecessary. You have no right
to say this." (Hurriyet, 1.9.2003)
2.2 Background
The Turkish Cypriot community has been under
the effective control of the Turkish military since 1 August 1958, when
command of the Turkish Cypriot underground organization TMT[79]
was given to a mainland Turkish officer. From that day on the plan of the
mainland Turkish "deep state"[80]
under the code name "KIP" (Kibris Istirdat Plani Gaining Back
Cyprus) was put into effect.
The early failures of the Cyprus Republic
were not the sole responsibility of the Turkish Cypriots. The Republic of
Cyprus was proclaimed on 16 August 1960, but both Greek and Turkish Cypriot
leaders refused to fully support the democratic development of the new
independent state. The fate of the new republic fell to the hands of the
pro-enosis EOKA and pro-taksim TMT members. Civil society was not allowed
to develop and the whole political, economic, social and cultural life of
the Turkish Cypriot community came under the influence of the official
partitionist ideology of the Turkish Cypriot leadership and the
paramilitary TMT. The Turkish Cypriot civil administration came under TMT
control especially after the inter-communal clashes that began in December
1963.
In the wake of these events the Turkish
Cypriot leadership boycotted the state apparatus of the Cyprus Republic and
urged the Turkish Cypriot community to withdraw into small isolated
enclaves scattered throughout the island and occupying less than 5% of its
total territory. The Turkish Cypriot population thus came under the
military administration of the TMT which was commanded by the Bayraktar/ Bozkurt[81]
(Grey Wolf), who sat at the Turkish Embassy in the Turkish Cypriot sector
of Nicosia and governed the districts with the Sancaktars (Standard-bearers).
The latter were all mainland Turkish officers.
Following the withdrawal of the Turkish
Cypriots from the Republic of Cyprus at the end of 1963[82]
and during the period between May 1964 and December 1967 the Turkish
Cypriots were governed by the so called "General Committee"—a
joint civilian-military organization that took its orders from Ankara. In
1967 there was the creation of the "Turkish Cypriot Provisional
Administration"[83].
During the following year, in 1968, inter-communal negotiations started
which lasted until July 1974. This period saw the mobilization of
opposition forces within the Turkish Cypriot community that were not
satisfied with the Turkish Cypriot leadership. At the same time many
Turkish Cypriot university students who went to study in Turkey and
elsewhere returned to Cyprus with newly popular left-wing ideas.
It was in this new context that at the end
of 1970 the Republican Turkish Party was formed and declared its struggle
against the "fascism of B.E.Y."—the acronym that stood for the
Turkish words Bayraktarlik (which governed the TMT), Elcilik (Turkish
Embassy in Nicosia) and Yonetim (Turkish Cypriot Administration). In a
similar gesture the Turkish Cypriot Trade Union of Teachers was formed in
1968 and expressed its resistance against the oppression of the military
administration in the Turkish Cypriot enclaves.
The terrorist activities initiated in 1970
against President Makarios and his followers by the fascist EOKA-B, an
organ of the Greek junta in Cyprus, reached its peak with the coup of 15
July 1974. On 20 July 1974 Turkey seized this opportunity to invade and
partition the island.
The post-1974 rising chauvinist sentiment
and the concentration of the Turkish Cypriots in the northern one-third of
the island resulted in the declaration by the TMT of the so-called
"Turkish Cypriot Federated State" (1975) and later the
"Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus" (1983). Everything was put
under the control of Turkey and her military and more than 100,000 settlers
were brought in. The Turkish Cypriots became a minority, whereas the
continuing presence of 35,000 Turkish soldiers hamstrung the
"civilianisation" of the Turkish Cypriot society.
2.3 The National Coordinating Council
Turkish-occupied northern Cyprus is
currently governed by the so-called "National Coordinating
Council" (NCC) that exercises supreme power over the legislative,
executive and judicial branches of the TRNC. The NCC is comprised of the
Turkish ambassador to the TRNC, the commander of the "Turkish Peace
Forces," the commander of the Security Forces (all appointed from
Turkey), and the President, Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister of the
TRNC. The decisions of the NCC are not subject to appeal and are final. The
existence of the NCC is evidenced through reports in the Turkish Cypriot
press. On 29 February 2000 Avrupa reported that the Minister of Labor had
been told that "nothing can happen in this country without our
knowledge!"
The editor of Yeni Duzen, Basaran Duzgun,
wrote on 8 March 1997 the following about the NCC:
"The National Security
Council is a topic of political debate in Turkey. How many people are aware
that we in Cyprus also have a National Coordinating Council? How many
persons know that this Council meets regularly, takes important decisions
which can influence the daily life of the Turkish Cypriots, that it can
overthrow the government and form a new one?"
Another report was published in Kibris on
22 December 1995 under the title "Secret meeting at the Palace".
The accusation of Turk-Sen (a Turkish Cypriot trade union) that "the
Turkish Embassy is intervening in the internal affairs of the TRNC"
related to the attempt to give control of the Electricity Authority to
STFA, a private company from Turkey. Wrote Kibris:
"The so-called
`Coordinating Council' met yesterday at the Presidential Palace. The
meeting started at 11.00 and lasted 3.5 hours without any break.
Participating in the meeting were President Rauf Denktash, Prime Minister
Hakki Atun, Lieut.-General of the Cyprus Turkish Peace Forces Hasan
Kundakci, Commander of the Security Forces Brigadier-General Ismail Kocman,
Ambassador of Turkey in Nicosia Aydan Karahan, Director-General of the
Police Attila Say and other high ranking military commanders. No statement
was made to the press after the meeting. But according to reliable
resources the meeting dealt with the issue of the privatisation of
electricity and `the relevant statement by Turk-Sen' was evaluated in an
extraordinary meeting."
The NCC constitutes an
"extra-constitutional" device that essentially circumvents
democratic procedures and avoids electoral accountability for its actions.
Its role is to ensure that the affairs of northern Cyprus are determined in
accordance with the interests of Turkey as interpreted and formulated by
the National Security Council[84]
in Ankara.
On another occasion, Bulent Akarcali,
Deputy President of the mainland Turkish party ANAP, was quoted by Yeni
Demokrat (2 September 2001) as saying that:
"Today the TRNC is a
republic only on paper. The money, everything goes there from Turkey. Even
the Turkish ambassador cannot do anything without the permission of the
military commander there. All the large investments in Northern Cyprus are
given to tenders, directly in Ankara. This means that Northern Cyprus is
governed like a province of Turkey. It is foolish and wrong to think that
the Greek Cypriots, the Greeks and other members of the EU do not know
this. They know it very well."
3. THE GENERAL ELECTIONS HELD ON 14 DECEMBER 2003, IN
THE OCCUPIED AREAS OF CYPRUS
INTRODUCTION
The elections of 14 December 2003 have been
presented by some in northern Cyprus, Ankara and beyond as a manifestation
of the political autonomy of Turkish Cypriots from Turkey. This section
challenges that assumption by illustrating the continuing crucial role of
Turkish settlers and the Turkish military and intelligence establishment.
The sad reality is that developments in northern Cyprus remain a function
not of the political state of affairs within the indigenous Turkish Cypriot
community, but of the balance of power between the various factions in
Ankara.
3.1 Election Results
3.1.1 Seven political parties
participated in the general elections which took place in the occupied
northern part of Cyprus on 14 December 2003[85].
The election results are as follows:
|
The Republican Turkish Party-United Forces (CTP-BG)
led by Mehmet Ali Talat
(35.18%)
|
19 seats
|
|
The National Unity Party (UBP)
led by Dervis Eroglu (32.93%)
|
18 seats
|
|
The Democratic Party (DP)
led by Serdar Denktash
(12.93%)
|
7 seats
|
|
The Peace and Democracy Movement (BDH)
led by Mustafa Akinci
(14.13%)
|
6 seats
|
|
The National Peace Party (MBP)
led by Ertugrul Hasiboglu
(3.23%)
|
—
|
|
The Solution and European Union Party (CABP)
led by Ali Erel
(1.97%)
|
—
|
|
The Cyprus Justice Party (KAP)
led by Oguz Kalelioglu
(0.60%)
|
—
|
|
|
3.1.2 The Turkish Cypriot
political parties were divided into two camps: CTP-BG, BDH and CABP were
supporting a solution to the Cyprus Problem on the basis of the Annan Plan
and membership of the European Union. The other parties, UBP, DP, MBP and
KAP were supporting the status quo.
3.1.3 Out of the 50 members of
parliament four are Turkish settlers:
— Nuri Cevikel
(CTP-BG), born in Mersin
— Bayram Karaman
(CTP-BG), born in Bitlis-Tatvan
— Kemal Yilmaz
(UBP), born in Adana-Kozan
— Mustafa Gokmen
(DP), born in Trabzon
3.1.4 14 members of parliament
are medical doctors (six CTP-BG, four UBP, three DP, one BDH) and two are
dentists (one UBP, one DP). Only three members are women (one CTP-BG, one
UBP and one DP). The participation rate in the general elections was
86.48%.
3.2 The Right Forecast
3.2.1 The election results
showed that the parties supporting a solution (CTP-BG, BDH, CABP) received
50.45% of the vote whilst the parties supporting the status quo (UBP, DP,
MBP, KAP) received 49.55%. (Kibris, 17 December 2003).
3.2.2 It is interesting to note
that there were two right forecasts about the outcome of the election
before it actually took place. Serdar Denktash, leader of the DP, announced
at a party meeting the results of a public opinion poll as follows: Parties
supporting the Annan Plan would take 51% and the pro-TRNC parties would
take 49% of the vote. (Ortam, 6 October 2003)
3.2.3 Mr Thomas Weston, the
Cyprus Coordinator of the State Department, spoke at a panel discussion
organized by Johns Hopkins University and said the following: "I will
not say my view about which party should win in the elections on 14
December. But many Turkish Cypriots support the Annan Plan and its
provisions. I don't know if they make up 51% or 49%. But a siguificant
proportion of the Turkish Cypriots will show their will favoring the Annan
Plan. That is more important than the result." (Kibris, 4 December
2003).
3.3 Some Challenges
3.3.1 Rauf Denktash criticised
Guenther Verheugen in a written statement. Mr Verheugen had said that new
citizens were being created so as to manipulate the TRNC elections. Mr Denktash
said that this allegation was baseless since the citizenship grants had
been made in accordance with Law No. 25/96. (Halkin Sesi, 23 November
2003).
3.3.2 Rauf Denktash stated that
Turkey was not interfering in the forthcoming general elections of 14
December. He said: "Turkey has the right to interfere. . .I'm not
saying this in order to invite you to interfere. Turkey secured these
rights with the 1960 Agreements, the right to keep the balance between
Turkey and Greece and the right not to allow Cyprus to become an EU member
before the accession of Turkey. There are people in Cyprus who try to
abolish these rights. Turkey has the right to say: "You cannot do
this. We defend and we shall defend them." (Kibris, 10 December 2003).
3.3.3 Abdullah Gul, the Deputy
Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Turkey, stated: "Whoever wins the
elections in the TRNC, he cannot behave independently from Turkey. If
someone behaves as if Turkey does not exist in matters relating to Cyprus,
we shall be distressed. As a guarantor country Turkey shall be the side who
will say `YES' or `NO' on a matter related to the Cyprus Question."
(Birlik, 16 December 2003)
3.3.4 Rauf Denktash criticized
Mr Weston who alleged that people originating from mainland Turkey had
voted in the elections: "We don't accept anyone giving us directives
about who will be included in the Voter Roll of the TRNC. The CTP-BG and
the BDH did not complain about the election results since they received
votes from TRNC citizens originating from Turkey. Normal numbers of voters
were added to the lists of the last local elections and the opposition did
not complain about it." (Ortam, 19 December 2003)
3.4 Demographic Structure
3.4.1 It is a well-known fact
that in the Turkish-occupied part of Cyprus the demographic structure was
changed after 1974 with the transfer of settlers from Turkey, contrary to
international law.
3.4.2 A Report was prepared in
1992 by Spanish parliamentarian, Alfons Cuco, for the Committee on
Migration, Refugees and Demography of the CoE on the topic of Turkish
settlement. Per the Report, between 1974 and 1990 the population in the
areas controlled by the Republic of Cyprus increased by only 13.70% whereas
the increase in the northern part was 48.35%! (Draft Recommendation,
Paragraphs 2 and 3) The same Report mentions that UN Representative
Camilion had informed Mr Cuco that 40-45 thousand Turkish civilians had
been transferred to the island. (Cuco Report, 27 April 1992, Doc. 6589,
Paragraph 85).
3.4.3 Furthermore, 42,000
Turkish Cypriots emigrated from the occupied areas because of various
reasons. In 1997, the number of Turkish settlers and their children living
in the occupied areas had not been declared officially, but was estimated
to be about 100,000. (Ahmet An, "Kibris nereye gidiyor?",
Istanbul 2002, p 324)
3.4.4 The latest report of the
Committee on Migration, Refugees and Demography of the CoE (2 May 2003, Doc
9799), prepared by Finnish parliamentarian, Jaakko Laakso, informs us that:
2. It is a
well-established fact that the demographic structure of the island has been
continuously modified since the de facto partition of the island in 1974 as
a result of the deliberate policies of the Turkish Cypriot administration
and Turkey. Despite the lack of consensus on the exact figures, all parties
concerned admit that Turkish nationals have been systematically arriving in
the northern part of the island. According to reliable estimates, their
number currently amounts to 115 000. (. . .)
4. In particular,
the Assembly expresses its concern at the continuous outflow of the
indigenous Turkish Cypriot population from the northern part. Their number
decreased from 118,000 in 1974 to an estimated 87,600 m 2001. In
consequence, the settlers outnumber the indigenous Turkish Cypriot
population in the northern part of the island. (. . .)
5. In the light of
the information available, the Assembly cannot accept the claims that the
majority of arriving Turkish nationals are seasonal workers or former
inhabitants who had left the island before 1974. Therefore it condemns the
policy of "naturalization" designed to encourage new arrivals and
introduced by the Turkish Cypriot administration with full support of the
Government of Turkey.
6. The Assembly is
convinced that the presence of the settlers constitutes a process of hidden
colonization and an additional and important obstacle to a peaceful
negotiated solution of the Cyprus problem.
36. The aim of the
Turkish-Cypriot administration's policy towards the settlers has been to
promote their permanent establishment on the island. The settlers are
granted housing, land or other properties on special terms. They are issued
with a "concession certificate" which they are not entitled to
sell or pass to a third party until a period of 20 years has elapsed.
37. The most
important measure for the settlers has been the possibility of acquiring
Turkish-Cypriot nationality. In 1975, the Turkish-Cypriot administration
passed Act No. 3/1975, under which nationality could be given to anyone who
requested it and, in particular, to members of the Turkish armed forces who
had served in Cyprus and their families.
38. In 1981,
complementary provisions were established according to which
Turkish-Cypriot nationality can be granted to persons permanently resident
in the northern part for at least one year, those who made or could make an
important contribution to the economy, or social and culture life, and
those who have rendered services to the security forces.
39. Along with
citizenship, the settlers get a whole series of political rights including
the right to vote and set up political parties.
3.5 The Implications of the Change in
Demographic Structure
3.5.1 The table below shows the
increasing number of voters in the various elections which have taken place
in the occupied areas since 1974:
|
Number of Voters in:
|
|
Date
|
Population
|
General Election
|
Presidential election
|
|
20 Oct 74
|
115,758
|
—
|
—
|
|
08 Jun 75
|
126,949
|
—
|
—
|
|
20 June 76
|
130,136
|
75,724
|
—
|
|
20 Jul 76
|
130,136
|
—
|
75,824
|
|
28 Jun 81
|
151,233
|
84,721
|
—
|
|
28 Jul 81
|
151,233
|
—
|
84,721
|
|
23 Jun 85
|
160,287
|
93,934
|
—
|
|
09 Jun 85
|
160,287
|
—
|
95,124
|
|
22 Apr 90
|
171,469
|
—
|
103,218
|
|
26 May 90
|
171,469
|
103,218
|
—
|
|
13 Oct 91
|
173,224
|
106,303
|
—
|
|
12 Dec 93
|
177,120
|
108,370
|
—
|
|
15 Apr 95
|
181,363
|
—
|
113,398
|
|
06 Dec 98
|
188,662
|
120,758
|
—
|
|
15 Apr 00
|
188,662
|
—
|
126,675
|
|
|
|
|
3.5.2 In the last census of 15
December 1996 the de facto population was declared as 200,587 and the de
jure population as 188,662 (Yeni Duzen, 28 November 1997).
Out of this population of
188,662, 82% (164,460) were citizens of the TRNC, 15% (30,702) were citizens
of the Republic of Turkey and 3% (5,425) were citizens of third countries.
But no data was given about those who were citizens of both the TRNC and
the Republic of Turkey or about those whose parents were born in Cyprus.
The indigenous Turkish Cypriots are already a minority in the occupied
north and their number is estimated at around 80,000. The numbers of those
with double citizenship (TRNC and TR) already exceed those of the Turkish
Cypriots. (Ahmet An, "The status of the mainland Turkish population transferred
to Cyprus", Afrika, 3, 4, and 5 September 2003).
3.6 Who Can Be a Voter?
3.6.1 According to Article 8(1)
of the Law of Election and Referendum of the TRNC (No.5/1976), those who
are registered in the Permanent Voters' List, whose names appear on the
Ballot Box Voters' List and who are over 18 years old can vote. The first
"Citizenship Law" of 1975 was amended in 1993 (Law No. 25/1993)
so that persons coming from Turkey would receive the TRNC citizenship more
easily. Everyone who came from Turkey and settled in the occupied areas was
given a TRNC identity card.
3.6.2 In the "Citizenship
Law" of the TRNC (No. 25/1993) there are articles which grant
citizenship to foreigners by marriage (Article 7), by residency (Article
8), and by decision of the Cabinet (Article 9).
3.6.3 An amendment was made in
1998 (Law No. 12/98) to the effect that the Voter Rolls would be updated
every three months with the newcomers and outgoers.
3.7 Official findings of the
Parliamentary Commission
There were certain irregularities in the
elections of 1990 when the amended Electoral Law was abused. That is why
the TRNC parliament formed a special commission to look into these
complaints. The findings were as follows:
— "Just
before the election the Electoral Law was amended in a way that does not
fit the spirit of democracy and democratic pluralism.
— Despite election
time regulations, BRTK (Radio and TV of the TRNC) and TRT (Radio and TV of
Turkey) made illegal broadcasts.
— There have been
illegal broadcasts using the government radio and television transmitters
and reflectors, which affected the result of the 1990 elections. This
happened although only the broadcasts read and endorsed by the Supreme
Electoral Council were supposed to have been allowed.
— Local and
foreign newspapers published articles on election day that are viewed as interference
in the elections.
— In order to gain
political advantage civil servants were irregularly paid advance salaries
one week before the elections.
— There has been
domestic and foreign interference in the elections which changed their
fate.
— Just before
election day and on election day itself, the Immigration Department was
opened and citizenships and identity cards were issued. This is considered
direct interference in the elections.
— Security Forces
joined in acts of flyer and banner destruction, which fall outside their
duties.
— Citizens doing
their military service are allowed to cast their votes at the voting center
closest to their station. However, when the political parties demanded the
voter roll plus an account of the districts where such citizens normally
vote, they were rebuffed. Therefore, there are well-grounded rumors
suggesting that there has been double casting by these people.
— Some candidates
were attacked, beaten and their cars were damaged.
— The Supreme
Electoral Council does not operate continuously; therefore some people who
are not citizens or voters were included in the voter roll and casted
votes.
— Foreign
officials came to our country and visited villages and advised Turkish
Cypriot citizens. This amounted to interference in the elections. (M.A. No.
1:1.1.94)"
* Reference: Turkish Republic of Northern
Cyprus (TRNC), Parliamentary Investigation Committee, 4 June 1997. Report
on the 1990 Elections, (M.A.NO: 1/1/94).
3.8. Complaints by the Turkish Cypriot
Parties about the changing Demographic Structure
3.8.1 The Republican Turkish
Party (CTP) applied to the Supreme Court yesterday in order to open two
cases about the illegal citizenships granted to 1,600 persons since the
last local election of 30 June 2002. (Ortam, 13 March 2003)
3.8.2 The Patriotic Union
Movement (YBH) started a campaign at the CoE against the participation of
the mainland settlers in the forthcoming elections of 14 December 2003.
Hayati Yasamsal, the President of the Turkish Cypriot Rights and Freedoms
Association, also a member of the YBH, visited Strasbourg and met Alvaro
Gil Robles, Commissioner for Human Rights of the CoE, and members of the
Committee for Immigration, Refugees and Population. He handed over a
memorandum of the YBH which complained that the number of the mainland
Turkish settlers exceeded those of the local Turkish Cypriots in the
Turkish occupied part of Cyprus. (EU-News, Yeni Duzen, 25 June 2003)
3.8.3 YBH applied to the
European Court of Human Rights seeking (i) a new and internationally
observed census in the occupied north, and (ii) a stop to the granting of
citizenships to the Turkish settlers. (Ortam, 16 July 2003)
3.8.4 Alpay Durduran, Secretary
of the YBH for Foreign Relations, called a press conference giving
information about his party's application to the European Court of Human
Rights. (See text in Yeni Duzen, 19 August 2003)
3.8.5 CTP filed a complaint,
this time against the Cabinet, the Ministry of Interior, Rural Affairs and
Construction, and the Supreme Electoral Council of the TRNC on 10 March
2003 over 1,600 persons who got the TRNC citizenship between 1 July 2002
and 19 February 2003. The State Attorney declared that the number of new
TRNC citizens created by cabinet decision was 225 since the last local
elections. Among them were Turkish pop singer Murat Gogebakan, Prof Dr Kaya
Ozkin, Mayor of Ankara Sinan Aygun, businessman and the leader of the
Liberal Party of Turkey Besim Tibuk, and Turkish businessman Jack Kamhi;
none of these persons permanently resides in the TRNC. (Kibris, 29 August
2003; for the full list see Kibris, 28 August 2003)
3.8.6 Afrika reported on 7
August 2003 that the TRNC government mobilized as the date of the general
elections in December 2003 drew closer. The Identity Cards Department was
very crowded and the Prime Ministry of the TRNC ordered the printing of
50,000 Identity Cards in Turkey which would not have the "place of
birth" indication in order to facilitate Turkish settlers' access to
the free areas of Cyprus. (Kibris, 21 August 2003; see also the Official
Gazette of 18 August 2003 which published Cabinet Decision E-1626-2003. The
order would cost 8 billion TL without a tender.)
3.8.7 The President of the Peace
and Democracy Movement (BDH), Mustafa Akinci, sent a letter to Mr Walter
Schwimmer, the Secretary-General of the CoE, and asked for the
implementation of a Resolution passed by the CoE for a reliable census to
be taken in the occupied areas. Mr Akinci wrote a letter also to Mr
Abdullah Gul, Foreign Minister of Turkey, asking for an end to be put to
the granting of new citizenships before the forthcoming general elections
and informing him about certain instances of interference in the election
campaigu. The military commanders made political speeches to civilians
asking for military mobilization meetings. Mr Denktash led a meeting in the
Karpas region together with the Turkish Ambassador to the TRNC and the
Commander of the Security Forces, allegedly discussing economic policy
measures. (Kibris, 27 August 2003; for the full text of the letter to Mr
Gul see Afrika, 27 August 2003)
3.8.8 Yeni Duzen published the
copy of a letter written by the Immigration Officer of the TRNC and dated
25 March 2003, per which the Security Forces had asked for a Turkish citizen
of Izmit to become a TRNC citizen even though that person did not have a
valid passport or work permit. (Yeni Duzen, 12 September 2003)
3.8.9 The Secretary-General of
the CTP, Ferdi Sabit, asked in the TRNC parliament why the list of the
thousands of new citizenships granted by cabinet decision (Date: 2 July
2003, No. 1322-02 and Date: 27 August 2003, No. 1848-03) had not been
published in the Official Gazette of the TRNC. Mr Sabit said that the
President of the TRNC, Mr Rauf Denktash, had sent a supplementary list of
854 persons whose ancestors were supposed to be Turkish Cypriots to the
Voters' Registry of the Ministry of Interior. There was no answer to his
questions. (Kibris and Yeni Duzen, 13 September 2003)
3.8.10 The list of 101 persons
who were made citizens by decision of the Cabinet (E-1322-2003) on 2 July
2003 was published following a two-and-a-half month delay in the Official
Gazette, dated 19 September 2003, No. 117. (See Afrika, 23 September 2003
and Kibris, 25 September 2003)
3.8.11 A secret naturalization
list with 299 names was published a few days later in Yeni Duzen; the list
included the names of artists, TV stars, ex-ministers and bureaucrats,
their wives and sportsmen from Turkey, a great majority of whom were not
residing in the TRNC. (Yeni Duzen, 25 September 2003)
3.8.12 YBH made a new
representation to the European Court of Human Rights: "Since our last
application, the military-civil administration of Turkey and their
representatives in Cyprus continue their wrongdoings in violation of
international law—wrongdoings which were brought before the Court."
The PUM sent another letter to the European Court of Human Rights asking
for the discussion of the matter before the elections of 14 December. (Yeni
Duzen, 7 October 2003)
3.8.13 The PUM stated officially
that the party would not participate in the elections of 14 December 2003:
"The PUM will not accept this election and its results which will
redecorate the window designed by the rulers and which will be contrary to
international law. We call on our people to adopt this struggle."
(Yeni Duzen, 9 October 2003)
3.9 First guess as to the number of
Voters
3.9.1 The speaker of the Supreme
Electoral Council, Mrs Ruhsan Borak, declared that about 137,500 voters
would be voting in the forthcoming general elections. In the elections of
30 June 2002 the number of registered voters had been 133,943. An increase
of 3,600 voters was estimated. About 1,700 were persons who had reached the
age of 18 and would be voting for the first time; about 1,900 were new
citizens, most of them residing uninterruptedly for more than five years in
the TRNC. (Kibris, 22 September 2003)
3.10 Rush of the "New Citizens"
to get their Identity Cards
3.10.1 Afrika reported on 7
October 2003 that about 300 employees of a casino had crowded the building
of the General Headquarters of the Police Force in Nicosia to get their
certificates of "good character." Yeniduzen and Kibris wrote on 7
October 2003 that "new citizens" waiting in queue to get their
identity cards at the Immigration Office in Nicosia had quarrelled among
themselves and the police had to intervene. Kibris, under the title
"Citizenship Scandal", reported that more than 200 persons had
visited the Immigration Office and one of them complained: "I've been
in Cyprus since 1996 and I could not get my citizenship, but those who came
three days or two months ago, can get it". The crowd was the same also
in the Outpatient Department of the State Hospital, which used to have no
more than 10 visitors a day, but now has 300-400 persons applying for
"Health Certificates," this amounting to more than 5,000 persons
in a week.
3.l0.2 The Civil Servants' Trade
Union (KTAMS) went on a two-hour- strike at the Immigration Office after
the head of the Office had a heart attack and the other civil servants
complained of being under pressure to register hundreds of new citizens
before the 15 October deadline. (Kibrisli, Yeni Duzen and Halkin Sesi, 10
October 2003)
3.10.3 Mehmet Albayrak, the
Minister of Interior, Rural Affairs and Settlement, stated on Kibris FM
Radio that he was not aware of all citizenship grants, especially those
made by decision of the Cabinet. (Kibris, 10 October 2003)
3.11 Another Appeal to the Supreme Court
3.11.1 The political parties
protested again against the granting of citizenships in abundance before 15
October. For example the Chairman of the Peace and Democracy Party, Mustafa
Akinci, applied to the Supreme Court against the Ministry of Interior. He
asked for the striking out of those who were granted citizenship after 12
March 2003. The party's advocate told the press that 3,500 persons were
given citizenship since March-April 2003. (Kibris, 11 October 2003)
3.11.2 Even the Deputy Prime
Minister, Serdar Denktash, admitted that the granting of new citizenships
caused trouble and should be stopped immediately. On the other hand he said
the following at a press conference: "They are all our citizens who
have been waiting for months and years to be registered. The Annanist
parties make a fuss about the changing of the demographic structure. We
have 137,000 voters. Assuming this number were to rise to 139,000, why are
they afraid if all 80,000 persons at the demonstration were their
supporters?" (Halkin Sesi and Kibrisli, 11 October 2003)
3.11.3 Dervis Eroglu, the Prime
Minister, stated that his party has a high number of supporters and did not
need new citizens. Since 1998 citizenship was granted to 1,500 persons,
whereas during the DP-CTP coalition government more than 2,500 persons had
become citizens in 34 months. (Kibris, 12 October 2003)
3.11.4 Rauf Denktash, the
President of the TRNC, told the correspondent of the Anatolia News Agency
in Istanbul that many people had waited for years to become citizens. He
added that a legal answer would be given to the opposition parties which
had seen that they would lose the elections and wanted to put Turkey, the
TRNC and the forthcoming elections under suspicion by focusing media
coverage on the new citizens. (Kibris, 12 October 2003)
3.12 Patriotic Union Movement
3.12.l The Patriotic Union
Movement issued a statement criticizing the policy of the opposition
parties on the citizenship question, saying: "These parties did not
give any support to our complaint to the European Court of Human Rights
(about the illegal settlers brought from mainland Turkey) and they accepted
the number of 137,500 voters as legal. Now they complain over an additional
few thousand voters or they send a letter of complaint to the Council of
Europe." (Afrika, 14.10.200.)
3.13 A Protest Against the Granting of
New Citizenships
3.13.1 15 trade unions belonging
to the "This country is ours" platform staged a protest march
with hundreds of people plus a two-hour strike in Nicosia against the
granting of new citizenships. Later a letter of protest was handed to Taner
Erginel, the Chairman of the Supreme Court and the Supreme Electoral
Council, condemning the obstruction of the reflection of the people's will
in the ballot. The trade unions of the Teachers for Secondary and
Elementary Schools demonstrated before the Ministry of Education,
protesting the Minister's wrongdoings. (Kibris and Yeni Duzen, 15 October
2003)
3.13.2 Mehmet Ali Talat,
President of the Republican Turkish Party (CTP), spoke at a press
conference about the granting of new citizenship a "quarter of an hour
before the elections" and reminded all of the party's appeal to the
Supreme Electoral Council. He declared that the number of voters was
estimated as 137,500 on 30 September 2003 and continued saying: "This
number increased by 1,700 persons who were granted citizenship by regular
procedures and 1,900 persons who were granted citizenship by decision of
the Cabinet. This increase is not seen in any other country and it is a
crime of the government." (Yeni Duzen, 15 October 2003)
3.13.3 Mustafa Akinci, President
of the Peace and Democracy Movement (BDH), accused Turkish Prime Minister
Recep Tayyip Erdogan at a meeting in Mallorka, complaining before the
international delegations that Turkey should stop Denktash's regime and his
supporters who continue to grant new citizenships every day to those who
came from Turkey and changed the demographic structure of the TRNC
electorate. "Stop this interference with our will!" he said.
(Ortam, 19 October 2003)
3.14 Official Nulviber: 140,832
3.14.1 Taner Erginel declared at
a press conference that the number of registered voters including those
added one day ago was 140,832. This number was 134,628 in the last local
elections of June 2002 and it was estimated to be around 137,500 on 19
September 2003. It was not then clear how many voters would be voting on 14
December. (Kibris, 16 October 2003)
3.14.2 Mr Erginel stated that
persons who were granted citizenship between 30 September and 15 October
2003 could be registered as voters during a forthcoming period. Mr Akinci
commented on Mr Erginel's statement and said that the number of voters in
the local elections one year ago was 134,628 and had increased by about
7,000 persons. Mr Akinci added that it had been announced that the number
of those who had reached age 18 was actually 1,700 which meant that the
Ministry of Interior had granted citizenship to a great number of persons
in-between. They can give this an appearance of legality, Mr Akinci said,
but it is in fact illegal, which is why the BDH had applied to court for an
interim decision. We don't have the details of those 7,000 citizenships,
especially how they were granted, Mr Akinci concluded. (Kibris, 16 October
2003)
3.14.3 Mehmet Albayrak, the
Minister of Interior, confirmed that in the last two months a lot of
citizenships had been granted, and many people had been employed as civil
servants even after the relevant pre-election deadline. (Kibris, 17 October
2003) He was to declare later that in the last one-and-a-half months 574
persons had been granted TRNC citizenship.
3.15. Official Number of Citizenships
Granted
3.15.4 Mr Albayrak disclosed
that the number of citizenships granted between 1974 and 14 October 2003
totalled 53,904. (Kibris, 23 October 2003)
3.15.5 The details of the
citizenships granted after 1994 (numbering 17,293) were given as follows:
by cabinet decision: 3,675; by approval of the Ministry of Interior: 7,272;
third generation: 2,246; by matrimony: 1,971; citizens of a third country:
1,142; Bulgarian Turks: 987. (Birlik, 24 October 2003)
3.16. Population Estimates of the TRNC
3.16.1 Serdar Denktash stated
that the population of the TRNC was 240,000 whereas it was 205,000
according to the census of 1996 and 182,120 according to the Supreme Electoral
Council! (Afrika, 17 October 2003)
3.16.2 Columnist Arif Hasan
Tahsin wrote in Afrika that Memduh Hoca, one of Afrika's journalists, had
learnt from the Census Department that according to the last census the
population of the Turkish Cypriots was 68,000 and that 50,000 of them were
voters, leaving the number of voters from mainland Turkey at 90,000.
(Afrika, 19 November 2003)
3.16.3 Columnist Yalein Bayer
wrote in the mainland Hurriyet newspaper that the population of the TRNC is
220,000. 120,000 are mainland Turkish settlers. More than 20,000 persons
originate from Turkey's Hatay province. Then come those from the Black Sea
region and Mersin. Out of 141,000 voters, 70,000 are mainland Turkish
settlers. (Hurriyet, 16 December 2003)
3.17 False Identity Cards with False
Information
3.17.1 An interesting article
appeared in the press: A mainland settler, Bahri Unsal, was noticed at the
Ledra Palace check-point with an ID bestowed by the TRNC with a false name,
date of birth and birthplace, issued on 14 March 2003. Another settler,
Seyithan Tunc, was not allowed to cross the Green Line with a false ID. His
birthplace appeared as Akarsu-Paphos, whereas the settler answered that he
was from Mardin/Turkey and that Paphos was a place in Mardin! (Afrika,
22.10.03 and Yeni Duzen, 23.10.03)
3.17.2 Some new citizens born in
Palestine (four), Egypt (five), Mekka (two), Limassol (two), Sivas (one),
Katar (one), Bursa (one), Erdek (one), Silifke (one), Nicosia (one), and
Algiers (one) had Mr Mustafa Tokay's address as their place of residence.
Mr Tokay was the Adviser to the Prime Minister. There was no comment by
either Mr Tokay or Mr Eroglu about this or about whether Mr Tokay's home
had been turned into a mansion. (Yeni Duzen, 31.10.03)
3.17.3 On the other hand, a
multi-communal Cypriot study group about "Women in the Cypriot
communities" scrutinized the Permanent Voter Roll and discovered that
50 voters out of 600 selected at random did not reside at their declared
address. (Ortam, 11.11.03)
3.17.4 The District Electoral
Council of Famagusta ordered the arrest of two muhtars who had issued false
certificates of residence. Various objections to the Voter Rolls resulted
in the exclusion of 628 persons from them (Nicosia: 481, Famagusta: 83,
Guzelyurt: 43 and Iskele: 21 persons). (Yeni Duzen and Kibris, 18.11.03)
3.18 The Would-be Number of Voters
without the "New Citizens"
3.18.1 A study was published in
Yeni Duzen with some information gathered from the Permanent Voter Roll of
the Supreme Electoral Council in September 2003:
|
Number of voters in June 2002
|
133,652
|
|
Died between June 2002-September 2003
|
1,131
|
|
Those died who were not voters in June 2002
|
16
|
|
Number of voters in September 2003
|
137,011
|
|
|
3.18.2 This means that there was
an increase of 3,871 persons registered as voters, whereas the head of the
Supreme Electoral Council declared that until 30 September 2003, 473
persons had been granted new citizenship! His explanation was that some
people who had the right to vote had not been registered in the lists, had
applied later and had been registered! It means that about 3,500 citizens
had not voted since 1998 although they had the right to do so and they
applied over the past one month to get registered! (Yeni Duzen, 1.11.03)
3.19 Court Challenges
3.19.1 During the court hearing
in the case brought by the BDH it was revealed that the Council of
Ministers took a decision on 24 September 2003 (E-2125-2003) to grant
citizenship to 1,563 persons in one day and it was decided not to publish
this decision in the Official Gazette of the TRNC. (Afrika, 4.11.03) The
BDH's lawyer stated that the Council of Ministers granted citizenship to
more than 2,000 persons in two meetings of the Cabinet in September 2003.
(Kibris, 5.11.03) Only 387 of them had received their certificate of
citizenship. (Ortam, 11.11.03)
3.19.2 One day later the court
delivered its interim decision in the case brought by the CTP and ruled
that 200 out of 301 persons granted citizenship between 30 June 2002 and
April 2003 could not vote in the elections of 14 December 2003. (Yeni
Duzen, 5.11.03; for the list of those 200 names see Kibris, 6.11.03)
3.19.3 The TAK news agency
published data from the Supreme Electoral Council indicating that 3,773 new
applications were made for entry into the Voter Roll and 1,228 objections
were made to various voters, which were published in the Official Gazette.
The candidacy of Mr Oguz Kalelioglu, President of the KAP (Cyprus Justice
Party), was declared invalid since he did not fulfill the condition of
having resided in the TRNC for three years prior to lodging his candidacy.
3.20 Akinci's Letter to Erdogan and Gul
3.20.1 BDH leader Mustafa Akinci
handed a letter and documents to the Prime Minister of Turkey, Recep Tayyip
Erdogan, who was visiting the TRNC and met the opposition leaders at the
Saray Hotel in Nicosia. In his letters to Mr Erdogan and Mr Gul, Akinci
referred to the fact that the number of additions to the Voter Roll between
1993 and 1998 was 12,136, whereas this number was 23,848 between 1998 and
2003. Although the Protocols signed between Turkey and the TRNC stated that
employment in the civil service would be frozen, the government parties had
employed more than 1,500 persons for the sake of gaining political
advantage. (Kibris, 17.11.03)
3.20.2 Mustafa Akinci gave the
same information to the Commission of Foreign Relations and Human Rights of
the European Parliament on 18 November 2003 where he was visiting together
with the leaders of the CTP and CABP. (Afrika, 19.11.03)
3.21 The Final Voter Roll
3.21.1 Taner Erginel, Head of
the Supreme Electoral Council, announced on 25 November 2003 that the final
number of voters who were entitled to vote was 141,471, 639 more than the
number of 140,832 which had been announced before. As a result of
objections, 862 persons were excluded from the list with the approval of
the Council. (Kibris and Afrika, 26.11.03)
3.21.2 Yeni Duzen newspaper
published the statement above with the following list on 26 November 2003:
|
Year
|
Total number of voters
|
Increase
|
Percentage
|
|
1976
|
75,824
|
|
|
|
1981
|
84,721
|
8,897
|
11.73
|
|
1985
|
95,124
|
10,403
|
12,28
|
|
1990
|
103,218
|
8,094
|
8.51
|
|
1991
|
106,303
|
3,085
|
2.99
|
|
1993
|
108,622
|
2,319
|
2.18
|
|
1998
|
120,758
|
12,136
|
11.17
|
|
September 2003
|
137,500
|
16,742
|
|
|
October 2003
|
140,832
|
3,332
|
|
|
November 2003
|
141,471
|
639
|
17.17
|
|
|
|
|
3.22 Influence of Turkey during the
Election Period
3.22.1 It is a well-known fact
that in the aftermath of 1974 Turkey started a policy of Turkification of
the northern occupied part of Cyprus. Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash
was the main culprit in the implementation of this policy. Erdal Andiz, a
columnist of Kibrisli newspaper, wrote the following about the influx of
the mainland Turkish settlers right after 1974. When he heard that mainland
Turkish settlers would be brought to the occupied areas he rushed to Denktash's
residence and complained to him: "Denktash sipped from his glass of
whisky cold-bloodedly and told me: "You will be a Turk." I
reacted immediately and said: "They can come here today because I am a
Turk." Denktash retorted in the same cold-blooded manner: "Then
you will be more Turkish." (Kibrisli, 29.6.2001)
3.22.2 There has been no change
in this policy over the last 30 years. As the Turkish Cypriots left the
island for good, mainland Turkish settlers came to settle so as to Turkify
the occupied areas. When a delegation of the "This country is
ours" platform visited the Prime Minister of Turkey on 30 January 2003
in Ankara, Mr Erdogan responded to the criticism that the Turkish Cypriots
are emigrating abroad: "There will be no emigration. If all leave, we
have enough people here. We shall send them over." (See Halil Pasa,
Afrika, 25.5.2003)
3.23 Activities of the Psychological
Warfare Department
3.23.1 Ali Bayramoglu, a
columnist of the Yeni Safak newspaper of Turkey, wrote: "We do not
know in full detail the extent of the initiatives of the National Security
Council and the Psychological Warfare Department of the General Staff
Presidium. But we know something. One of them is the Falcon Psychological
Warfare Plan. In a report under the name `Activities and projects executed
by the Executive Directory after the formation of the Psychological Warfare
Department', it was underlined that this plan is being implemented with the
contribution of the Psychological Warfare Department of the General Staff
Presidium under the National Security Council, in order to stop the
dissemination of the `idea of Cypriotism' in the Turkish Cypriot sector of
Cyprus. It targets the press and broadcasting organs together with the
Turkish Cypriot community, irrespective of who might be in power at a given
time. With the help of this plan, the formation of political ideas is
obstructed and activities were guided as the opposition was put out of
circulation." (Yeni Safak, 30.8.03)
3.23.2 According to the
allegations of various columnists, 6 teams of psychological warfare were
active in the Karpas region propagandizing against the Annan Plan and the
European Union. Officers in civilian clothes who said they were from the
Public Relations Department of the Security Forces Command paid visits to
some villages in that area where the settlers live. (From the Kibris
Postasi webpage, Yeni Duzen, 31.8.03)
3.24 A Newcomer: The Cyprus Justice Party
(KAP)
3.24.1 A retired army officer,
Oguz Kalelioglu, who was a mainland Turkish commander in Famagusta during
the Turkish invasion of 1974, was sent to Cyprus before the start of the
election campaign in order to form a political party which would guide the
political will of the Turkish settlers, mainly living in Famagusta
district. Kalelioglu was said to be one of the officers who had worked for
the National Security Council in the past (Fatih Gullapoglu, Tanksiz Topsuz
Harekat, Tekin Yayinevi, Istanbul, p.94-1 12) and later for the "State
Department for Religious Affairs." (Murat Yetkin, Radikal, 30.8.2003)
3.24.2 The Cyprus Justice Party
(KAP) was established on S Jnne 2003 under the leadership of Oguz
Kalelioglu and its headquarters was opened in Nicosia. (Kibris, 2.9.03)
3.24.3 The candidacy of Mr
Kalelioglu was cancelled by the Supreme Electoral Council because he did
not fulfill the necessary residency requirement. Another six KAP candidates
withdrew their names before the elections took place. (Kibris, 13.12.03)
3.25. Some Disillusioned Settlers
3.25.1 Letter to the editor by
Mehmet Bogachan: "After assessing the situation we have realised that
we have always been used as an electoral pawn. Maybe we have realized this
too late, but I would like to remind you of the proverb that it is gainful
to turn from one's mistakes." (Halkin Sesi, 16.5.03)
3.25.2 President of the
Veterans' Association of the Cyprus Turkish Peace Forces, Sadan Turkkan:
"We have 1,200 members, plus 5,000 honorary members; 82 members of our
association have the ID of the Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration,
but they have not been granted the TRNC citizenship yet." (Kibris,
10.7.03)
3.25.3 President of the Refugees
Association of the TRNC, Assistant Prof. Dr. Nuri Cevikel: "We have
been exploited in the last 29 years. We have been used by the state
authorities. The mainland Turkish sector in the TRNC has lived through a
shock. Those who got into power with our help, they will use us during the
elections and later we shall be thrown into the dustbin. As citizens of
mainland Turkish origin, we don't want to be used any more. We want human
rights and the rule of law." (Kibris, 26.7.03)
3.25.4 President of the Refugees
Association of the TRNC, Assistant Prof Dr Nuri Cevikel: "We represent
today one-third of the Turkish population of the island who were brought in
with thousands of promises from various parts of Anatolia since
1975."(Kibris, 25.8.03)
3.26 Direct Financial Influence of the
Turkish Government
3.26.1 According to a report by
NTVMSNBC, the Turkish government budgeted financial aid in the amount of
120 trillion TL for November and December 2003. One-third of the budget of
the TRNC is supplied by Turkey and Turkey gives a maximum of 60 trillion TL
every month. Recently, this amount dipped below 60 trillion. Because of the
approaching elections the sum of 120 trillion was given the "go
ahead." Already in August 2003 the salaries of the civil servants and
pensioners were raised and new personnel were employed by the state, this
being reflected in the budget of 2004. The increase in financial aid was
assessed by the opposition as indicating support for the Denktash
Administration. (Ortam, 3.12.03). Mr Hasipoglu, Famagusta MP, stated in
Parliament that these extra jobs from the 03 Salary Scheme would cost net 5
trillion TL to the state according to the budget of 2004. (Kibris, 27.9.03)
3.26.2 It was reported on 4
December that Abdullatif Sener, Deputy Prime Minister and State Minister
Responsible for Cypriot Affairs, would visit the TRNC with another two or
three Ministers bringing money before the forthcoming elections in support
of the TRNC government. Prime Minister Erdogan intervened and only Mr Sener
went to the TRNC on the condition of making balanced statements. (Murat
Yetkin, Radikal, 9.12.03) Mr Sener stated that his visit had nothing to do
with the election campaign and Turkey would continue to support development
projects with the 160 million dollars agreed upon on 24 September 2001.
(Kibris 8.12.03 and Halkin Sesi, 7.12.03)
3.26.3 Mr Sener also took part
in the foundation-laying ceremony of a tourist complex and a hotel which
will cost 45 million dollars and which will be built in the Bafra/Karpas
region. The local Turkish Cypriot Chamber of Engineers and Architects and
the Union of Constructors protested that the construction plans had not
been officially licensed.
3.27 Other Visitors from Turkey
3.27.1 Aside from Prime Minister
Erdogan and Mr Sener, many other politicians (Deniz Baykal, leader of the
Republican People's Party; Dogu Perincek, leader of the Workers' Party; Oya
Akgunen and Atif Ozbey from the Happiness Party, Saadettin Tantan,
exMinister; Mustafa Kemal Zeybek, ex-Minister; Sinan Aygun, Chairman of the
Ankara Chamber of Commerce accompanied by a delegation of 125 persons that
distributed pro-Denktash leaflets (Mr Aygun was granted TRNC citizenship
before, but he was amongst those who were not allowed to vote, because his
residence was not in the TRNC); trade-unionists (from Turk-Is, Kamu-Sen);
and retired army personnel (Yasar Spor, Kemal Yavuz, Gultekin Alpugan at
the head of a delegation of ex-officers) visited the TRNC to support the
existing regime before and during the election campaign. (See various
Turkish Cypriot newspapers)
3.27.2 Even the advertising
company which had helped the AKP win the elections in Turkey, Arter Reklam
Cilik, was helping Mr Eroglu, the Prime Minister of the TRNC, in the
election campaign of his governing National Unity Party. (Hurriyet,
5.12.03)
3.27.3 Ordinary people were
brought in from Turkey to attend the meetings of the UBP. It was reported
that seven buses full of such people were carried by ferry-boat to
Famagusta and the expenses were paid by Mustafa Ozbek, leader of the
Turkish Metal-Sen Trade Union. (Kibris, 11.12.03)
3.27.4 Kibris reported that the
UBP hired people from the poor quarters of Nicosia, eg Kaimakli and the old
city, for 20 million TL to populate the Ataturk Stadium during the music
festival of the UBP. (Kibris, 21.11.03)
3.28 Military Interference
3.28.1 Alpay Durduran, Secretary
for Foreign Relations of the YBH, commented on the Turkish Foreign
Minister's speech that the elections in Cyprus should be democratic. Mr
Durduran stated that the armed civil servants of Turkey and the politicians
who were elected with the help of Turkey threaten both the political
parties and the press. They have all the means to implement their threats.
They only look for the appropriate time. We have not forgotten that they
executed their threats in the past. Therefore the Turkish government has to
tell them that the military should not interfere in politics. (Afrika,
18.8.03)
3.28.2 Ortam reported that a
Turkish general together with some 15-20 officers visited the village of
Yorgoz (Tepebasi). The imam of the village used the loud-speakers of the
mosque to inform the villagers that the commander of the 39th Regiment
would come to the village at 14.00 hours and talk to them. They should be
ready at the village square in front of the coffee-shop. The general
visited the village together with other officers in sports clothes and told
the villagers that the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots could not live
together and that the Turkish Army was the true guarantor of the security
of the Turkish Cypriots. (Ortam, 20.11.03)
3.28.3 Ortam reported three days
later under the title "That's enough!" that another officer,
Commander of the 4th Infantry Brigadier Mustafa Erguven, spoke during a
ceremony for the new conscripts saying that those Turkish Cypriots who
support a solution to the Cyprus Problem were enemy collaborators. (Ortam,
23.11.03)
3.28.4 The complaint of the BDH
to the Kyrenia District Electoral Council about the event in Yorgoz was
answered through a letter (No. 65/2003, dated 20.11.03) as follows:
"We do not have the right to decide about your complaint. If you wish,
you can convey your complaint through your party to the attention of the
Commander of the Turkish Army in Cyprus and/or to the Supreme Electoral
Council." (Ortam, 24.11.03)
3.28.5 Afrika reported that the
occupation army in the north was being used to garner votes in the
forthcoming elections. Afrika wrote that a 40-page booklet entitled,
"The story of the road that leads to freedom", was distributed to
the Security Forces personnel and the army. The newspaper asked:
"Nobody knows who wrote, printed and distributed the booklet which
refers to "the evils of the Annan Plan and how the legendary leader
Rauf Denktash saved the Turks in Cyprus." (Afrika, 7.12.03)
3.28.6 Excerpt from a letter
sent to the columnist Mebmet Altan at www.gazetem.net by a 25 year-old
Turkish Cypriot unemployed university graduate: "I would like to refer
to an operation executed in the Karpas region—a region mostly populated by
Turkish settlers—on the night before the elections. . .On that night, the
Turkish generals visited the villages in the Karpas area one by one and
told the people that "no vote would be given to the opposition."
Incredible threats were aired. Words like this were uttered: "If the
opposition wins from the ballot boxes of this region, all of you will be
sent to Turkey." If you look at the distribution of votes by region,
you will see that these threats helped since the opposition received less
than 20% of the vote there." (Ortam, 18.12.03)
3.29 The Role of the Mass Media
3.29.1 Five mainland Turkish TV
channels (TRT-1, TRT-2, Show-TV, ATV, Star-TV) are beamed into Turkish
Cypriot homes and other channels can be received via satellite. Almost all
the mass-circulation newspapers of Turkey are sold in the TRNC. The mainland
Turkish mass media organs were involved in the Turkish Cypriot elections.
The local Turkish Cypriot mass media organs were divided into two camps:
pro-solution and pro-status-quo.
3.29.2 The state TV and Radio
Station BRTK is supposed to be impartial, but is used to propagate the
official ideology of the Turkish Cypriot leadership. While the statements
of Rauf Denktash, Eroglu and other pro-status quo organizations were
covered in full in the news, the views of the opposition parties and trade
unions were either not mentioned or given minimal coverage. Avrasya TV is a
new TV channel founded by Mustafa Ozbek, the President of the chauvinist
mainland Turkish trade union Metal-Sen. It broadcasts to 42 countries from
Nicosia and its views are close to those of the pro-establishment leaders
in Turkey. Kanal T belongs to Ersin Tatar, a chauvinist Turkish Cypriot.
Akdeniz TV belongs to Huseyin Macit Yusuf, another chauvinist Turkish
Cypriot who owns also the "Volkan" daily newspaper which supports
Rauf Denktash and attacks the pro-solution parties on a daily basis. There
are also Radio Guven and Radio Vatan which belong to the Army and defend
the status quo.
3.29.3 On the other hand, there
are Kibris TV and Genc TV, Radios Kibris-FM, First-FM, Sim-FM supporting a
solution to the Cyprus Problem. Below are some election news that appeared
in the mass media:
3.29.3.1 Mrs Dilek
Kirci was sacked from Kanal T. Mrs Kirci was forced by the owner, Ersin
Tatar, to support only the UBP candidates in her programme "People's
Assembly."
3.29.3.2 Kanal T
censored the statements of Salahi Karpuzcu, the Muhtar of Gonyeli Yenikent
and Ahmet Benli, CTP candidate in the elections, when they spoke in favor
of the Annan Plan during a programme called "Our Villages."
(Kibris, 22.10.03)
3.29.3.3 Ali
Tekman, programme presenter at the BRT-Radio and TV criticized, day in day
out, the supporters of the Annan Plan as "Annanists" and the
teachers who demonstrated for their rights as "black-faced." He
aspires to become a UBP candidate. (Kibris, 22.10.03)
3.29.3.4 The
"Press Club" programme of the Avrasya TV (ART) was interrupted
during a live transmission when the journalist Hasan Kahvecioglu criticized
the TV station's news about the tearing up of a Turkish flag on BDH
premises. (Kibris, 28.10.03)
3.29.3.5 Basaran
Duzgun, editor of Kibris, and Hasan Hasturer, a colunmist of the same
newspaper, were taken to court after 223 days because of their articles
about the events in Doganci village. They run the risk of being punished
with a total of 21 years' imprisonment. (Kibris, 4.11.03) On the complaint
of the Security Forces Command new cases were opened against journalists
under the pretext that they had humiliated the Security Forces. The names
of the journalists to be tried at the military court are Basaran Duzgun,
Hasan Hasturer, Suleyman Erguclu (Kibris), Hasan Kahvecioglu, and Mehmet
Davulcu (Ortam). Murat Kanatli, the editor of the Yeni Cag weekly newspaper
is also being intimidated by the police. (Yeni Cag, 7.11.03)
3.29.3.6 President
Denktash commented thus about the press cases: "If they have broken
the law, they will go to court." (Afrika, 6.11.03)
3.29.3.7 The
Supreme Electoral Council warned all TV and radio stations that it would
not punish any of them so long as they treated all parties equally and did
not allow unethical phone-ins. (Kibris, 6.11.03)
3.29.3.8 Public
Opinion Company Verso of Turkey chose 1,500 mainland Turkish settlers out
of 2,060 persons it interviewed for a gallup poll. (Afrika, 10.11.03)
3.29.3.9 The
Supreme Electoral Council cautioned four TV channels (BRT, Avrasya TV, Genc
TV and Kibris TV) and put up a telephone line "Alo 178" for
complaints by TV-viewers and radio-listeners.
3.29.3.10 The
Radio and TV Supreme Council of Turkey (RTUK) cautioned the radio and TV
stations in Turkey in favor of the free formation of public opinion during
the elections in the TRNC and Turkey. (Kibris, 21.11.03)
3.29.3.11 Rauf Denktash
phoned in to TV programme "Ceviz Kabugu" of the ATV (Turkey) to
support the "national cause." Serdar Denktash and Mehmet Ali
Talat were the guests of the programme. (Kibris, 2.12.03) The air ticket
for Serdar Denktash was paid by the Tourism Development Fund of his
Ministry and Mehmet Ali Talat's ticket by ATV. (Yeni Duzen, 9.12.03)
3.29.3.12 Rauf Denktash
took part in a TV programme of TV8 and supported the government as he
criticized the opposition in the TRNC. (Kibris, 8.12.03)
3.29.3.13 Tahsin
Ertugruloglu, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the TRNC, phoned in to a TV
programme of Kanal D of Turkey to humiliate Mehmet Ali Talat. (Kibris,
10.12.03)
3.29.3.14 After
the prohibition of the circulation of "Star" newspaper the
previous day, "Radikal" newspaper of Turkey was prohibited
yesterday from circulating in the TRNC, because of its publication of the
results of a public opinion poll. (Afrika, 11.12.03)
3.29.3.15 Fascist
youths blocked the participation of pro-EU parties in TV discussion
programme "Siyaset Meydani" to be transmitted live from the Near
East University in Nicosia by ATV. (Kibris, 13.12.03)
3.29.3.16 Because
it did not heed its warnings, Akdeniz TV was prohibited from broadcasting
by the Supreme Electoral Council on the morning of the elections until
12.00. (Afrika, 15.12.03)
3.30 The Electoral Law Regulations
What follows is a list of Turkish Cypriot
media reports that refer to instances where the Turkish Cypriot
administration did not abide by its own electoral law and regulations in
the weeks leading up to the 14 December, 2003, elections.
3.30.1 Rauf Denktash violated
the Electoral Law regulations (Article 80) on the first day of the election
campaign when he spoke against the prospect of signing a peace agreement.
(Ortam, 16.10.03)
3.30.2 TAK, the official news
agency, continues to publish the speeches of Mr Denktash and Mr Eroglu
(17.10.03)
3.30.3 The employees of the BRT,
State Radio and TV Station, went on a two-hour strike in protest against
the Station which lost its impartiality and supported only the anti-Annan
views of the governing coalition parties. (Kibris, 24.10.03)
3.30.4 Serdar Denktash, Deputy
Prime Minister, criticized his partner in the coalition government saying
that the UBP had extended public employment to people to gain political
advantage. (Kibris, 24.10.03)
3.30.5 Rauf Denktash made a
speech against the Annan Plan at the inauguration ceremony of a mosque in
Famagusta. (Afrika, 27. 10.03)
3.30.6 RTP-United Forces
(CTP-BG) complained to the Supreme Electoral Council that Mr Denktash
violated the election prohibitions with his speech on the occasion of
Turkish Republic Day, 29 October. (See the text of the letter in Yeni Duzen
and Kibris, 1.11.03)
3.30.7 The Cabinet distributed 3
86,273,540.426 TL to various organizations by decision No. 141 of 30.10.03.
(Kibris, 1.11.03)
3.30.8 Taner Erginel, Head of
the Supreme Electoral Council, declared that the President of the TRNC was
not immune from the prohibitions of the electoral law. (Afrika, 1.11.03)
3.30.9 The BDH complained
against Mr Denktash at the Supreme Electoral Council alleging that he broke
the rules of the election campaign. (Kibris, 5.11.03)
3.30.10 CABP (Solution and the
EU Party) complained to the Supreme Electoral Council too. (Kibris,
6.11.03)
3.30.11 Rauf Denktash: "If
there will be elections, does it mean that everyone will stop
talking?" (Kibrisli, 6.11.03)
3.30.12 Taner Erginel: "We
invite all authorities and political parties to exercise
self-control." (Kibris, 9.11.03)
3.30.13 The DP rented 4 planes
from a private company in order to transport voters to the TRNC before 14
December. The UBP reached an agreement with the Cyprus Turkish Airline to
transport its own supporters. (Yeni Duzen, 11.11.03)
3.30.14 The Supreme Electoral
Council ordered the UBP not to use the TRNC or Turkish flags in its
propaganda materials. (Ortam, 20.11.03)
3.30.15 The Ministry of Finance
paid the November salaries earlier because of the coming Bairam holiday.
The 13th salary will be paid on 12 December and the December salary on 30
December. In 40 days a total of 135 trillion Turkish pounds will be paid to
"boost" the markets. (Afrika, 21.11.03)
3.30.16 The director of the
Grain Commission, Omer Alganer, brought two buses from the Konya District
Organization of the AKP (Erdogan's Party) to be used in the election
campaign of the UBP. The Demirpolat Firm, which has won the tenders of the
Grain Commission since the 1998 elections, paid the rent for the buses
which amounted to 50 billion TL. (Kibris, 22.11.03)
3.30.17 120 parcels of
propaganda material for the UBP went through customs absent official
control or taxing. (Yeni Duzen, 24.11.03)
3.30.18 On the first day of the
Bairam the imam of Gonyeli spoke of the "traitors and enemies among
us" in his sermon in the mosque. (Kibris, 26.11.03)
3.30.19 Some people woke up on
the first day of Bairam to the ringing of their telephones which conveyed
the recorded voice of Eroglu's propaganda for his party. (Kibris, 26.11.03)
3.30.20 Flag provocation by the
UBP militants in Hamitkoy during the election meeting. They tore the
Turkish and TRNC flags and accused the left-wing youth. (Afrika, 1.12.03)
3.30.21 Placards bearing the
name "TMT-B" were left at the headquarters of the CTP-BG and the
Residence of the British High Commissioner by unknown persons. (Kibris,
2.12.03)
3.30.22 The Dipkarpas
Municipality distributed cement and steel bars to the villagers in order to
get their votes during the coming elections. The wife of Prime Minister
Eroglu distributed packets containing one kilo of beef or chicken in the
same region. (Kibris, 3.12.03)
3.30.23 Mr Akinci told a
delegation of the Helsinki Citizens' Assembly (from Turkey) that the
election campaign is not being conducted in a democratic atmosphere. He
called attention to the ongoing amendment of the voter roll, the
distribution of jobs, and a campaign of intimidation. Mr Erel of the
Solution and EU Party told the same delegation that there was interference
in the elections. Even after the deadline for the election prohibitions,
about 1,503 persons were taken into public employment. Many people were
granted citizenships. (Kibris, 6.12.03)
3.30.24 Unknown persons attacked
the election advertisements, party flags, party buildings and cars of the
three opposition parties with paint. (Kibris, 6.12.03)
3.30.25 The Turkish newspapers
were unloaded from the airplane of the Cyprus Turkish Airways and the
"cargo of the Prime Minister" with three tons of election
propaganda was loaded instead. (Afrika and Kibris, 7.12.03)
3.30.26 Two Greek Cypriots and a
Turkish Cypriot were detained on the evening of 8 December 2003 during the
political meeting of the BDH as they were selling newspapers, printed in
Turkish and Greek, demanding that the elections be turned into a referendum
and supporting the left-wing parties. (Kibris, 9.12.03)
3.30.27 The UBP continued to use
the flags of the TRNC and Turkey in breach of the decision of the Supreme
Electoral Council (Kibris, 8.12.03). The Supreme Electoral Council banned
the UBP's leaflets which were contrary to Article 74 of the Electoral Law.
(Kibris, 9.12.03)
3.30.28 The director of the
Social Security Department, Huseyin Kansay, was removed from his post by a
decision signed by the Minister of Labor, Ahmet Kasif, Prime Minister,
Dervis Eroglu and President Rauf Denktash. Mr Kansay had resisted the order
of the Minister of Labor, who had wanted to register 1,500 persons
illegally from the Famagusta and Iskele regions for the social insurance
benefit scheme, contrary to the directive of the State-Attorney and the
State-Auditor. (Yeni Duzen and Ortam, 10.12.03)
3.30.29 Kibris published the
list of the newly employed civil servants: 693 positions filled contrary to
the law. (31.8.03) The KTAMS (Turkish Cypriot Civil Servants' Trade Union)
found out that 1,500 new persons had been employed by the civil service
with permanent status (Salary Scale 03), many of them being university
graduates. In fact this salary scale is for secondary school graduates.
(Halkin Sesi, 10.12.03)
3.30.30 Unsigned leaflets were
distributed by unknown persons within the walls of old Nicosia where
settlers live. The settlers were threatened with being sent back to Turkey
if the opposition parties won the elections. (Yeni Duzen, 11.12.03)
3.30.31 The case brought by the
BDH about the granting of citizenship to about 2,000 persons will be
examined by the Supreme Court in January 2004. (Kibris, 12.12.03)
3.30.32 Propagandist groups were
used yesterday during Friday prayers in the Degirmenlik (Kythrea) mosque,
denouncing people who were for a solution of the Cyprus Problem. An
ex-Minister from Turkey, Saadettin Tantan, was among the speakers. (Ortam,
13.12.03)
3.31 Observations of the Oslo Group
3.31.1 During the period leading
up to the December 14 elections the Turkish Cypriot opposition, fearing
that the Denktash regime would not conduct fair elections, called for
international observers. No proper international monitoring of the
elections was however able to be organized. Nevertheless some unofficial
monitoring was conducted by individual NGOs during the actual course of the
elections. What follows are references in the Turkish and Greek Cypriot
press to such attempts at monitoring the December 14 elections.
3.31.2 Under the title "We
have some concerns regarding the elections", Kibris (17.12.03)
published statements made by the representatives of the Oslo University Law
Faculty group who had gone to occupied Cyprus to unofficially observe the
14 December election. Aanund Hylland, Gunner M Karlsen and Elisabeth Rasmusson,
the members of the Oslo group, issued a statement stressing that the
illegal Bayrak (BRT) television station had wrongly portrayed their view of
the elections during a report broadcast in the evening of 15 December.
According to the observers, Bayrak broadcast pictures of them together with
other foreigners at the office of Mr Taner Erginel, chairman of the Supreme
Electoral Council. In its report Bayrak said that the observers had stated
that the "elections were just and free" implying that everybody
who was in the room agreed. The Oslo group noted that the person who had
made this statement did not belong to their group and pointed out that they
wanted to be clear that they did not approve of such views. The members of
the Oslo group expressed their sorrow over the fact that the Bayrak report
had aired none of their views on important issues. Noting that Clement
Dodds, Michael Steven (former Member of the British Parliament and lawyer),
and the British-Helsinki Human Rights Group, who had said that the elections
were well-organised, have been on the island for only four days, Mrs
Elizabeth Rasmusson noted that this was not enough time for someone who
wanted to express a reliable opinion on the election procedure. Mrs
Rasmusson recalled that Mr Michael Steven possesses (Greek Cypriot)
property in northern Cyprus. Referring to Mr Dodds, Mrs Rasmusson said that
he has written a book about northern Cyprus, but that he is not an expert
in observing elections. Therefore, these two persons could not assess the elections,
she added. Mrs Rasmusson said that in January 2004 her group would prepare
a report, which would include reliable documents and information acquired
in the course of their research during their long stay in northern Cyprus.
The written statement of the three members of the Oslo group contains,
inter alia, the following: "There are some concerns about the
elections in northern Cyprus. In this press release there are only some
preliminary elements. BRT created a wrong impression regarding our views in
its reportage on 15 December in the evening. Our main concern is that BRT
with its reportages supported the ruling parties and it was prejudiced. As
a state institution BRT, under the principles of the constitution of the
TRNC and international law, bears the responsibility of serving the people
without prejudice and without taking sides. The observation we made of the
main news bulletins of BRT shows that these obligations were
violated." The statement referred to the arbitrarily granted citizenships
and then added: "There were allegedly pressures on the voters so that
they would support some specific political parties. These could create an
atmosphere, which is not consistent with independent elections."
(Republic of Cyprus, PlO)
3.31.3 Norwegian observers
suspicious over election turnout: "The large number of voters in last
Sunday's elections in the north compared to the last elections has raised
suspicions of `voter production', according to a Norwegian group. In their
preliminary findings, a group of observers from the University of Oslo
observed `claims regarding pressure on voters to support specific parties',
creating an atmosphere `opposing the procedure of free elections'. The
observers said procedures were inadequate and give rise to objections
regarding the voter roll. The group accused the Turkish Cypriot television
station Bayrak of biased representations as well as of failing to broadcast
their serious observations concerning the elections. The observers further
commented that Bayrak's news bulletins had been biased in favor of the
ruling parties instead of being impartial, which would have better served
the public interest. The observers' final findings will be published at a
later date." (Article written by George Psyllides, Cyprus Mail, 19.12.03)
CONCLUSION
The political regime in northern Cyprus is
an example of a situation where the institutions and practices of democracy
conceal the absence of democratic substance. What has happened in northern
Cyprus over the last thirty years is an attempt to legitimate the
institutions of the occupation regime by giving them the appearance of
democracy and the form of representative government. Yet the institutions
in question do not fulfill the fundamental function of democracy, which is
to give expression to the will of the legitimate electorate—the Turkish
Cypriots!
What often escapes the casual observer is
that the important "democratic" exercises in northern Cyprus are
controlled through an elaborate but concealed network of people and
practices that lead back to Ankara. There is still in place an obscure
structure that ensures that the decisive voice in the north is that of the
National Security Council which rules Turkey. This has not been changed by
the result of the 2003 elections. To change, it must first be exposed.
Turkey's role in Cyprus shows no sign of
abatement and merits no positive consideration from the European Union. It
is a state of affairs that is not conducive to Turkey's European
aspirations or to the prospect of a fair and lasting solution to the Cyprus
Problem. In the final analysis, unless and until Turkey dismantles its
insidious mechanisms of control in north Cyprus any inter-communal
settlement that follows the parameters of the Annan Plan will be impossible
because it will threaten to place a reunified Cyprus under Turkish
influence and ultimate control.
The European Union should in no way help legitimize
Turkey's grip over northern Cyprus. Indeed all efforts should be focused on
ensuring a process of real democratisation of the Turkish Cypriot
community. Indeed it is the responsibility of the European Union in a new
European environment to help Turkish Cypriots escape the controlling hand
of Ankara and freely participate in Cyprus' European future.
This objective is perhaps the most
important prerequisite for a truly workable and lasting solution to the
Cyprus Problem. There should therefore be no rewards for actions that are
meant to obscure the real nature of the northern Cyprus political regime,
or for attempts to obscure the real nature of Turkish intentions regarding
Cyprus.
The findings of this report should give
pause to those who look forward to an early resolution of the Cyprus
problem in the context of Cyprus accession to the EU. This report puts the
whole idea of a European solution of the Cyprus dispute in serious doubt
unless certain fundamental issues are properly and squarely addressed. Such
issues relate to the role that Turkey intends to play in Cyprus as well as
the kind of power and influence that Turkey intends to exercise over the
Turkish Cypriots.
Annex I
POLITICAL PARTIES
IN NORTHERN CYPRUS
Shortly after the division of the island in
the wake of the Turkish invasion of 1974, the Turkish Cypriot
administration tried to improve its institutions of self-government. Its
efforts initially met with some success, especially as regards the
formation of a legislative body.
In its current form this body has 50
members chosen through electoral contests occurring every five years.
Political parties must obtain at least 5% of the total vote to gain entry
to the legislature. Voters are able to choose candidates from different
parties in five electoral districts, namely Nicosia (16 legislators), Famagusta
(13 legislators), Kyrenia (nine legislators), Morphou (seven legislators),
and Tricomo (five legislators). The first elections in northern Cyprus took
place in June 1976.
The main parliamentary political parties in
northern Cyprus are the Republican Turkish Party, the Peace and Democracy
Movement, the National Unity Party and the Democratic Party.
Founded in 1970 the Republican Turkish
Party is the oldest party in northern Cyprus and has a centre-left
political orientation. Its founding leader, Ahmed Mithat Berberoglu, was
succeeded by Ozker Ozgur and later by Mehmet Ali Talat, who is the party's
current leader. The party has traditionally opposed the idea of
partitioning Cyprus, and is in favor of a negotiated solution that would
follow the ideas included in the Annan Plan.
The majority of RTP supporters are Turkish
Cypriots although it has consistently, during the recent electoral
campaign, solicited the vote of the Turkish settlers. (NOTE: the Annan Plan
essentially provides that at least 60,000 settlers will remain in Cyprus,
which has made the plan attractive to those settlers who have been in
Cyprus longer and are therefore eligible to remain under the Plan) Mehmet
Ali Talat was reported during the 2003 campaign as saying that: "The human
rights of the Greek Cypriots are not more important than the property
rights of the mainland Turkish settlers in Cyprus,"(Press Summary of
24.8.03, published in Birlik 25.8.03)
The Peace and Democracy Movement, founded
by Mustafa Akinci in June 2003, comprises of several smaller political
parties (the Communal Liberation Party, the Cyprus Socialist Party and the
United Cyprus Party) as well as several labor organizations (the State
Doctors' Trade Union (TIP-IS), the Union of Municipality Workers (BES), the
Union of Civil Servants (CAG-SEN)).
The party has no ideological platform other
than the common desire to resolve the Cyprus Problem in accordance with the
provisions of the Annan Plan. The Peace and Democracy Movement is
predominantly a Turkish Cypriot-supported party.
The National Unity Party was founded in
1975 by Rauf Denktash and others. Its current leader is Dervish Eroglu. In
April 1994 the party incorporated the right-wing settler party of Orhan
Ucok (the Homeland Party). The National Unity Party has close relations
with the Motherland Party of Turkey. Its political agenda focuses on the
concept that the current status quo in Cyprus is the best solution to the
Problem because it provides the best policy options for Turkey. The party
opposes any solution that would deprive Turkey of its effective control of
the island or that would mean that any of the Turkish settlers—on whose
vote the party is largely dependent—would have to be repatriated.
The Democratic Party is a right-wing party
founded in 1992 as a breakaway faction of the National Unity Party that
included Denktash's younger son, Serdar. (Denktash has been supportive of
his son's party)
The Democratic Party was joined in 1992 by
the Social Democratic Party of Ergun Vehbi (originally founded by Rauf Denktash—Rauf
Denktash's eldest son who died in a car accident in the late eighties). In
1992 the Democratic Party was joined by the main settler party of Ali Ozkan
Altinisik (the Rebirth Party) hence gaining the largest settler following
among all parties in northern Cyprus. The Democratic Party supports the
position that the solution of the Cyprus Problem must be based on the
notion of two separate sovereign states. In August of 1994 together with
the National Unity Party it voted against the idea of a federal solution to
the Cyprus Problem, supporting instead Rauf Denktash's call for a
confederation. The Democratic Party has been traditionally opposed to
Cyprus' accession to the EU. Nevertheless, it has not rejected the Annan
Plan outright, especially once the strong pro-Annan Plan and pro-Europe
demonstrations of the Turkish Cypriots got underway in 2002-03.
All of the parties in northern Cyprus were
and continue to be under the effective control of Ankara.
Following the recent elections of 14
December 2003, Akinci's party (six legislators) was not invited to join the
coalition government of the Republican Turkish Party (19 legislators) and
the Democratic Party (seven legislators) presumably because it had
expressed guarded opposition against the Turkish military and Turkish
interference in the affairs of northern Cyprus.
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