Tuesday, December 30, 2014

A FAREWELL TO ROLANDOS KATSIAOUNIS FROM A TURKISH CYPRIOT FRIEND!


We have lost a dear friend, Greek Cypriot historian Rolandos Katsiaounis on 30 June 2014! He was always proud of being a graduate of Oxford University and I got to know him at the Cyprus Research Centre (CRC). His doctoral thesis “"Labour, History and Politics in Cyprus during the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century" was published in 1996 by the CRC in English and it is still a unique study in its own field, which could not be overcome. Unfortunately, he could not realize the second overviewed edition of this book.
 
Rolandos (1954-2014) was a militant Marxist, who took history seriously and he could not refrain to declare his political views. He was complaining that his own party AKEL have not given him enough support. His uncle, Christos Katsiaounis was among the leaders of the Cyprus Communist party and he was one of the members of the AKEL Central Committee, who fought against Hitler’s fascism in the Second World War.
Rolandos published his second book in Greek in 2000, where he recorded lots of new information, which shed light to today, related with the political developments between 1946 and 1948 and  with the experience of “The Consultative Assembly”, which the British Colonial Administration proposed to our island.
He mentioned to me about his project of writing the history of the KKK-AKEL, when we met after a meeting organized by PEO and DEV-İŞ on 13 October 2005 in Nicosia about the “1948 Miners’ Strike”. I was so happy to hear that he would deal with this subject. Rolandos wanted to learn my opinion about the book, dealing with this important past, whether it should be a short or a long story. I told him to write two versions: One, in more than one volume, where all the documents and information would be found in a detailed history and the other one would be a concise history, which could be read by an ordinary reader.
Unfortunately he could not finalise his studies. When the diagnosis was done, the incurable illness was already advanced and at the end, he left us behind. He was a 60 year old Famagustan and he had a lot of studies to accomplish.
I talked to him as my last on 27 April 2013 at a bi-communal meeting on “The birth and the development of Nationalism in Cyprus”. I had learned about his illness beforehand and I rather wanted to see him and to listen to his contribution on “Nationalism and Left” at this meeting. He told me about the side-effects of his treatment and he was complaining very much. Thus, his life adventure was this much, until this point.
The working class movement of Cyprus has lost one of its very dear members. As I convey my condolences to his relatives, I hope that his studies will be a guide for the new generation of historians.
(Obituary by Ahmet Cavit An, published in the “Friends of Cyprus Report”, Issue No.57, New Year 2015) 
   

Tuesday, December 23, 2014

‘CYPRIOTISM’ AND THE PATH TO REUNIFICATION


            History deals with the sum of the events that happened in the past. It should be studied in order to understand the present. Today’s reality in Cyprus is influenced by history. It directs our attitudes and preferences. In this context, an awareness of history, the way the history is written, and the teaching of history are crucial. As Cypriots, how much do we know about the history of our country and the history of the inter-communal relations?

The emergence of Greek and Turkish nationalisms in Cyprus

           When the British occupied the island of Cyprus in 1878, ending a 300-year period of Ottoman rule that had begun in 1571, they preferred to keep the existing structures of education in Cyprus. Christian and Moslem schools were kept separate from one another. There were two Boards of Education, one Christian and the other Moslem. They ensured that the curriculums of the two communities mirrored those in Greece and Turkey respectively. The Greek Orthodox community was educated by teachers who had mainly graduated from Greece educational institutions and the educational system was under the control of the Greek Orthodox Church of Cyprus. At the request of the Cyprus Government, the headmaster of the only lyceum in Nicosia was always sent from Istanbul. They were all Turkish nationalists. The Boards also prescribed the books to be used in the schools, insisting that the history textbooks were written in the so-called motherlands. As a result, the books emphasised the conflicts between Greece and Turkey, which fought against each other in 1821, resulting in Greece’s independence from the Ottoman Empire, and again in 1921, when Turkish Army defeated the Greek troops that had invaded Western Anatolia, leading to the formation in the Republic of Turkey in 1923. Both events therefore influenced the Moslem Turkish and the Christian Greek community in Cyprus. This was particularly the case with Turkish nationalism, which had developed during the national struggle to liberate the Ottoman Empire from occupation by imperial powers. Though it developed almost a century after Greek nationalism, this Turkish nationalism became influential among the Moslem Turkish population in Cyprus after the military defeat of the Greek occupation of Western Anatolia.

As well as through the schools, Turkish nationalism was disseminated in Cyprus by the Turkish Cypriot press, which followed the example of the mainland Turkish press, as well as through the activities of the Turkish Consulate on the island, which was opened after the foundation of the Turkish Republic. Meanwhile, the Greek Cypriots also pursued their own nationalism. They aimed to bring about the union of the island with Greece; a demand often put before the Legislative Council, which had been established by the British in 1879. The Turkish Cypriot members of the parliament used to resist these demands by saying that the island should be returned to the original owner, Turkey. However, following the annexation of Cyprus by the British Empire in 1914, Turkey gave up all of her rights on Cyprus when it signed the Treaty of Lausanne Agreement, in 1923. This was confirmed in 1925, when Britain declared Cyprus to be a Crown Colony – a status it retained until 1960.

The nationalism of both Greek and Turkish Cypriots did not originate from local historical circumstances, but was imported to the island through the teachers, books and newspapers that came from mainland Greece and Turkey. This nationalism was encouraged by the British colonial administration and the British tried to disseminate it among the unaware masses of people in accordance to their traditional policy of ‘divide and rule’.

 
The consolidation of nationalisms

            When the Greek Cypriots started a terror campaign in 1955 to end British colonial administration, the Turkish Cypriot leadership collaborated with the British and provoked the Greek Cypriots by recommending the Turkish Cypriot youth to become auxiliary police and commandoes in order to fight the Greek Cypriot fighters, thereby defending the colonialists. Thereafter, as the Greek Cypriot EOKA (National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters) underground organisation killed Turkish Cypriot security forces, the Turkish Cypriot TMT underground organisation began to kill Greek Cypriots in retaliation. As both organisations were anti-communist, they also killed progressive Cypriots who were against the partitionist policies of the British and their local collaborators. The growing demand of the Greek Cypriots for the union of the island with Greece (enosis) was encountered with the demand of the Turkish Cypriots for the partition (taksim) of the island between Turkey and Greece.
Finally, neither the Greek Cypriots’ objective of union nor the Turkish Cypriots’ aim of partition materialised. Instead, a limited independence was given to a new partnership, the Republic of Cyprus, which was established in 1960. The British maintained their sovereignty over the two military bases and the island was declared an independent state, banning both enosis and taksim in its constitution. The Turkish Cypriots, with 18 per cent of the island’s population were given 30 per cent say in the administration of the new Republic of Cyprus. This was strongly opposed by the Greek Cypriots. In December1963, the President of the Republic, Archbishop Makarios, tried to change the 13 points of the constitution by abolishing the veto power of the Turkish Cypriot Vice-President Dr Fazil Kuchuk. Inter-communal clashes began and, at the beginning of 1964, the Turkish Cypriots withdrew from the state apparatus. This conflict of nationalisms between the pro-enosis Greek Cypriot leadership and the pro-partition Turkish Cypriot leadership complicated the solution of the ethnic-national question in Cyprus. The unity of action and aim of the Cypriots could not be developed under a common shared aim and this caused new bitterness.

Meanwhile, those who sought to promote coexistence were silenced. In 1958, Turkish Cypriot trade unionists started to come under attack. In 1962, two prominent lawyers, Ahmet Muzaffer Gurkan and Ayhan Hikmet, founders of the ‘Cumhuriyet’ weekly newspaper, which advocated cooperation between the two main communities of new Cyprus state, were murdered. In 1965, Dervis Ali Kavazoglu, a Turkish Cypriot communist trade-unionist, was murdered by the Turkish Cypriot underground organization TMT (Turkish Resistance Organisation). These actions of intimidation silenced the democratic opposition within the Turkish Cypriot community, which was fighting against the partitionist policy of the Turkish Cypriot leadership. As a result, the separatist policy that the Turkish Cypriot leadership had pursued since 1958 was one of the reasons that Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots did not have a common political aim during the inter-communal negotiations that began in 1968.

From 1968 until 1974, various rounds of inter-communal negotiations were carried out, ending with a coup d’état by mainland Greek Army officers against Makarios, on 15 July 1974. This was followed by the invasion of the island by the mainland Turkish Army, on 20 July 1974. Together with Great Britain, Greece and Turkey were supposed to be the guarantor powers of the independence, sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus. The Turkish Cypriot leadership unilaterally declared independence in 1983, forming the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, on the Turkish occupied territory of the island; a move that was immediately condemned by the UN Security Council. Nevertheless, in the Turkish Cypriot textbooks of Cyprus history, the Turkish invasion in 1974 was described as an act of salvation. In contrast, Greek Cypriot students were taught nothing about the events between 1963 and 1974. The struggle for the union of the island with Greece during 1955-59 was portrayed as a struggle for the independence of the island. The Turkish Cypriots were ignored and excluded.

As imperialist foreign powers were against the independent development of the Republic of Cyprus, which followed an independent non-aligned foreign policy, they continuously incited nationalistic and anti-communist feelings among the island’s population. Yet again, a Cypriot awareness could not be developed to a sufficient degree. The guarantors of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus were members of the NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) and did not want to see a Cypriot state free from their influence. That is why they still do whatever they can to prevent the development of independent internal political and cultural structures.

 
Challenging nationalist histories

           In order to draw useful lessons for the future, we have to have a good knowledge of our history and a multi-perspective approach to our past without any prejudice. For this purpose, it is necessary to have well-educated historians; rich archives open for all; multi-communal platforms, where everything can be discussed freely; and a democratic environment free from all taboos. Without all these, it would be very difficult to bring historical realities to light. Even then, it cannot be said that the Cypriot communities are likely to be at ease discussing these subjects.

History has to play a unifying, rather than a discriminatory role between the nations and communities. In the nationalist way of history-writing, the writer chooses ‘we’ in every stage of history and sees ‘the others’ as enemy. Seeing those from his nationality as different from and superior to others is the minimum characteristic of the nationalist history-writers. Some writers state this in a hard form. Others take a softer approach. But what is seen in all the nationalist history writers is seeing their own nation state as superior and defending, if necessary, the interests of their own nation at the expense of the others. This way of looking at history and commentating on the past is a dominant characteristic in various stages of writing official history and in the development of a nation state.

The review of textbooks and history teaching with multilateral and international efforts is a very long and much tiring process. Efforts to produce new models for text-books in European countries as well as in Turkey, Greece and the Balkans are being conducted by non-governmental bodies, historians and social scientists. In this respect, it would be very valuable to form a common committee of the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot historians which could try to achieve an interpretation of the common history of the communities living in Cyprus. I can name some subjects to be discussed and researched by such a Committee: the common rebellions during the Ottoman Occupation against the local governor’s arbitrary taxations; the common struggles in the Legislative Council during the British colonial rule related with the economic policy; the common struggles of the trade-union movement, which was united until 1958; the common struggle of the Cypriots against fascism during the World War II on the side of the Allied Forces.

Since 1974, the influx of mainland Turkish settlers in the occupied areas of Cyprus, which is contrary to the Geneva Convention, has been a threat to the existence of the Turkish Cypriots. This has led many of them to reassess their communal identity. Turkish Cypriot intellectuals, in particular, have started to ask themselves the question ‘Who are we?’ and ‘How can we preserve our own identity?’ as they have looked into the history of their cultural heritage. Cultural, scientific and the literary heritage are three important components of the national consciousness. Here we see the responsibility of historical researchers for the development of a common Cypriot consciousness. They have to research the common cultural heritage of the island and use these common elements for a common political aim. The various examples of cooperation between the two communities in the commercial and social life and in trade- union movement in the past are good examples of the coexistence of the two main communities in Cyprus. This highlights the degree to which the class character of the state has a big role to play in the formation of the Cypriot consciousness. There has to be a clearly designed state policy for the support of a Cypriot identity. The organs of the mass media should also play a constructive role in this respect since they can easily reach the homes of almost all citizens. 

Conclusion

             Over the past century and a half two different identities have emerged in Cyprus. Since 1974, these have been consolidated. Today, one is North of the divide. This holds the separatist TRNC as an expression of the nationalist identity of the Turkish Cypriots. The other is in the South of the divide. This views itself as the sole owner of the Cypriot state, which has distinctively an Orthodox Greek Cypriot character. To combat this, there needs to be an effort to challenge the separate histories told by the two communities. However, it needs to go further than this. There also need to be common political parties of Turkish Cypriots and the Greek Cypriots, seeking common political aims. The New Cyprus Association, which was formed in March 1975, aimed to preserve the existence of the state of Cyprus and avert the danger of permanent partition by encouraging people to behave first as Cypriots and then as a member of their respective community. Unfortunately, during the past 37 years, this movement of intellectuals was unable to become a political movement that could organise Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots under a common Cypriot identity. Nevertheless, the full equality of all the communities living on the island in the fields of politics, economy and culture can only be achieved through common political parties that will fight for a democratic federal state and against all kinds of separatism and discrimination. As the Turkish-Cypriot Coordinator of the Bi-communal Movement for an Independent and Federal Cyprus, which was formed in 1989, I fought for 11 years to win a case against Turkey in the European Court of Human Rights, in February 2003 (Djavit An v. Turkey, 20652/92) for depriving me of my freedom of assembly due to my efforts to promote greater contacts between the two communities in Cyprus. My experiences since then have showed me that all Cypriots who want to see a reunited island should organise themselves and fight for the same goal: ending the occupation and the colonisation of the Northern part of our island by Turkey and forming a democratic federal state through power sharing. Policies are needed to solve the problem of nationalities. Rather, a single Cypriot nationality is needed. This can only be done by challenging the historical presentation of the past and promoting political cooperation in the present.

 
References and recommended reading

1.      An, Ahmet, An Overview of the Research Studies on the Identity of the Turkish Cypriots, in “Articles on the Turkish Cypriot Culture”, Nicosia 1999, p.222-230, (in Turkish)

2.      An, Ahmet, The Political History of the Turkish Cypriots (1930-1960): The Forgotten Political History of the Turkish Cypriots and the Struggles for the Leadership in the Mirror of the Press, Nicosia 2006 (in Turkish)

3.      Attalides, Michael, Cyprus, Nationalism and International Politics (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1979)

4.      European Court of Human Rights, Djavit An v. Turkey (application no. 20652/92)

5.      Worsley, Peter and Pashalis Kitromilides (eds), Small States in the Modern World (Nicosia: The New Cyprus Association, 1979)

 
(This contribution by Ahmet An was included in the book “Resolving Cyprus: New Approaches to Conflict Resolution” edited by James Ker-Lindsay, published by I.B. Tauris, London 2015, pp.24-30)

Sunday, August 31, 2014

THE BRITISH RULE IN TURKISH CYPRIOT TEXTBOOKS AND TURKISH CYPRIOT TEXTBOOKS IN CYPRUS


The British rule in Cyprus started on 12th July 1878 with the raising of the Union Jack, instead of the Ottoman flag, when the British admiral Lord John Hay took over the administration of the island from the last Ottoman “mutasarruf” Besim Pasha. The first British High Commissioner, Sir Garnet Wolseley landed at Larnaca on 22nd July 1878 and a new period in the history of this Mediterranean island began. (1)
Until the British came to Cyprus, there was no printing house. The first printing house was established in Larnaca right after the arrival of the British by Henry S. King and Co., which published on 29th August 1878 the first newspaper in Cyprus. This weekly newspaper was called “Cyprus/Kypros” and the first two pages were in English and the other two pages in Greek. According to Claude Delaval Cobham’s bibliography, the first book published in Cyprus was “İstoria hronologiki dis nisu” (Chronological History of the Island) by Archimandrite Kyprianos. This book was first printed in 1788 in Venice and its second print was made in Larnaca in 1880. (2) The first book printed in English in Cyprus was in 1885. “Cyprus Guide and Directory” was its title and it was printed in Limassol. (3) The first Turkish book published in Cyprus with Arabic letters, was “Müsameretname” (Tales for the evening entertainment). It was printed by the Ottoman Club in Nicosia, which founded also the first Turkish Cypriot printing house for the “Zaman” newspaper. Zaman was the second newspaper published on 25th December 1891, following “Saded”, the first ever newspaper in Turkish language in Cyprus, which was published weekly from 11th July to 14th November 1889, only 16 numbers. (4)

British scholar C. F. Beckingham, who made one of the first scientific studies on Turkish Cypriots, writes that until December 1892, there was no Turkish book printed in Cyprus according to the records and the number of them could not reach 40 in the year 1914. (5)
When the British came to Cyprus in 1878, the Turkish Cypriots had three types of school. These were Sibyans, Roushties and Medreses and their administration was in the hands of the Evkaf (a religious trust institution). According to a report by Mr. M.Sager on Evqaf Properties, dated 1883, the number of these schools was about 70, consisting of 22 in Nicosia, 8 in Larnaca, 5 in Limassol, 16 in Paphos, 13 in Famagusta and 6 in Kyrenia. There were 114 teachers employed in all these schools. 47 of them were being employed by the Ottoman Government, 47 of them by Evqaf and the other 20 were being paid by the people of the village, where they served. (6)

At the Sibyan School the subjects taught were the Alphabet, Hand-writing, Reading, the Koran and Arithmetic. Children started going to the Cyprus Sibyan Schools, when they were 4 years, 4 months and 4 days old. Because the teacher instructed each child individually, the admittance of children throughout the year constituted no problem. Although the normal period of instruction lasted for four years, those, who wished to attend the school beyond this period of instruction, could stay on until they were ten. At the end of this period of instruction, the well-to-do families sent their children to the medrese, whilst the poor and those, who wanted to discontinue, entered an apprenticeship in crafts or commerce. (7) In the medrese of preparatory and secondary school level, subjects such as Arithmetic, Cosmography, Grammar, Syntax, Geometry, Moslem Philosophy, Logic and Discussion were taught… The Roushties were the establishments, which provided education in the modern sense with the “class” system. Although religious teaching and Arabic continued, greater importance was attached to subjects such as Natural Sciences, Algebra and Turkish. (8)
When the administration of the island was taken over by the British in 1878, a change was made in the status of the Evqaf and its administration was henceforth carried on by the two Delegates of the Evqaf, one of them being Turkish and the other English. Education was controlled by the Evqaf and since the Evqaf directed the Education, the British began to have a say in Turkish Cypriot Education from the very start. Their first course of action was to set up the “Moslem Board of Education” in 1884. This Board consisted of nine leading citizens of the time, headed by the Qadi (The Judge) and the Mufti (Religious Head). It undertook the administration of all the Turkish schools in the Island… One of the most important deeds of the Education Board was the decision to open “The Idadi”, a five-year institution, the equivalent of the present Lyceums, on the 14th November 1896. (9)

In 1880, at the request of the British High Commissioner in Cyprus, an inspection of a number of schools in the island was undertaken, which led to the discovery of many grave defects, although the children were reported as intelligent and quick to learn. The result of these inquiries was the appointment in 1880 of an English Director of Education. The Secretary of State, Lord Kimberley, was unable to agree with the High Commissioner’s views as to the prominence to be given to English teaching, the making of it the vehicle of education or “placing it as a language for general use in any way on level with the two ancient languages of the island.” (10)
That assessment explains why the British necessarily kept the Christian and Moslem schools quite distinct. With the introduction of the Education Law of 1895, there were two separate boards of Education, one Christian and the other Moslem. This decision had its implications until today.

The first elected Moslem Board of Education in Nicosia met on 29th March 1884 and one of the decisions taken by this Board was to supply the textbooks and the other teaching material for the Turkish Cypriot schools from Istanbul, Turkey. (11) The same Board, elected for the years of 1896 to 1898, decided the teaching of the Greek language in the Rushtie. (12)

In 1895, we see the publication of “Kıbrıs Tarihi” (The History of Cyprus) by Ziver Bey in a Nicosia Printing House. This 100 paged-book is the first Ottoman history book on the history of the island, covering the period until the Ottoman rule. (13) The writer notes in the preface to his book that he was sorry to write the history of Cyprus without seeing the island. Ziver Bey was born in Lesbos and served also in Rhodes, where he wrote a history of Rhodes in the same serial of Ottoman islands. (14)
Ibrahim Hakki Bey, who was working in the Department of Education and was appointed later as the chief inspector of the Turkish Cypriot schools, published in 1906 in Nicosia the first ever book of geography for the Turkish Cypriot elementary schools. “Muhtasar Kıbrıs Coğrafyası” (A Concise Geography of Cyprus) was a 65 paged book, printed in the Printing House of “Foni dis Kipru” in Nicosia. Hakki Bey wrote this in the preface: “The Moslem Board of Education decided to include in its curriculum Geography for the 3rd and 4th classes of the elementary schools. There was no such textbook available and I tried to fill this gab with this book, which I prepared with the information I compiled from the English and Greek Cypriot books and from the official government resources.”

This book gives detailed information about the physical geography of the island with its climate, animals and plants. Other sections on the 6 districts of the island, import and export, population, roads, administration and a short history of Cyprus from the periods B.C. up to the British rule completes the book. (15) Its second print was made in 1931.
According to the Minutes of the Moslem Board of Education for the years of 1912 to 1914, some Turkish Cypriot teachers proposed the Board to write the textbooks of the elementary schools and asked if the government undertakes the cost of printing. The Board decided that “the textbooks would be imported as before from Istanbul and the teacher’s proposal was rejected.” (16)  

The Minutes for the year of 1916 to 1918 reads: “Because of the ongoing First World War, it was not possible to import textbooks from Istanbul. If the chief inspector for the schools approves, the textbooks written by Hasan Cengiz for the elementary schools will be used locally.” (17)
The report of 1913 issued by the Education Department informs us that “the Moslems have, in the capital (Nicosia) an admirable institution called the Idadi School, which was, in the days before the British occupation, controlled and supported by the Turkish Government and then receives an annual Government grant of 384 pounds. It is controlled by a governing body and the course of instruction includes the Turkish language, Persian and Arabic, English and Modern Greek. Mathematics is taught on a modern and Western system and history and geography are included.” (18)

After the Ottoman Empire entered the war on the side of Germany, Britain annexed Cyprus on 5th November 1914, ending the sovereignty of the Ottomans on the island. The new republic of Turkey accepted this annexation in 1923 with the Agreement of Lausanne and the British declared Cyprus on 10th March 1925 as a “crown colony”.

In 1920 a new Education Law was enacted, which reorganized schools “other than the Greek- Christian”. Two major changes were brought through this law: First, the appointment of teachers came under the power of the Turkish Board of Education, but it was subject to confirmation by the high Commissioner; secondly, of the total amount required to meet the expenditure for these schools half of it was paid by the Government out of the general revenue. The Greeks resented the law, because in proportion to the small contribution made by the Turks (a minority of 2%) to the country’s revenue, the Government expenditure on the Turkish schools was too big… They felt that they were educating their enemy with “their own money”, when their hatred against the Turks had been revived because of the tragic events in Asia Minor of 1920. (19) The law of 1923 marked the first step towards centralization and the Greeks were forced to accept in 1923 what the Turks had accepted in 1920.
In the Minutes of the Moslem Board of Education in 1920-1922 period, there was a note that the inspector of the schools told the members: “The Government is not going to accept those textbooks, which include events about the First World War.” A committee was formed to select the textbooks for the Turkish Cypriots after a consultation with the Turkish Cypriot inspector of education, Mr. Ibrahim Hakki. (20)

1926 the first Short History of Cyprus (Muhtasar Kıbrıs Tarihi) was published in Nicosia by the Turkish Cypriot teacher, Mustafa Mithat. He was already the co-author of another book (Muhtasar Kıbrıs Coğrafyası ve Muhtasar Kıbrıs Tarihi) published in Istanbul in 1920, together with Ibrahim Hakki. The second print was made in Nicosia in 1930 with the name “Mekteblere Mahsus Küçük Kıbrıs Coğrafyası ve Küçük Kıbrıs Tarihi” (Concise Geography and Concise History of Cyprus for the Schools). The author of the Geography section was Ibrahim Hakki Bey, who already published his first book in 1906 in Nicosia and it covered 22 pages out of the whole 52 pages. The section on the history of Cyprus was written by M.(Mustafa)Mithat Bey, who was supposed to be one of the well-informed persons about the history of the island in his time. The history of Cyprus was dealt from the geological period up to the British occupation. The researcher, Harid Fedai, who introduced the contents of this book in Modern Turkish, writes that this textbook of geography and history was very useful for both the teachers and the pupils. (21) The third print was made in 1931, again in Nicosia.
The teacher of history at the lyceum for the boys in Nicosia, M.Mithad wrote this in the Yearbook 1933-1934 of the school: “Within the boundaries of the general history, as we teach the world events, it will be very appropriate to give a special place to the individual history of our island in our schools. This is my opinion.” (22)

The only secondary school for the Turkish Cypriot boys was the Idadi, which was called between 1922 and 1924 as Sultani. When the Sultan’s rule ended, the school was called Lise (lyceum).
From the Minutes of the Moslem Board of Education, we see a decision from the period 1922-1924 that 300 pieces of Cyprus map were to be printed in Turkey and to be distributed to the Turkish Cypriot schools. (23)

The Minutes from the period 1924-1926 records a decision of the Administrative Committee for the Turkish Secondary Schools to the effect that teachers for the history and geography would be appointed from Turkey and the textbooks of the lyceum would be the same as in Istanbul. The decision about the textbooks was repeated in the Minutes for the period 1928-1930. (24) We also see a decision that starting from 1st September 1929, books printed in Latin, instead of Arabic Alphabet should be taught in all the Turkish Cypriot elementary schools. (25)
After the Greek Cypriot rising of 1931 and the closure of the Legislative Council, the freedoms were curtailed by the Governor. “With the Education Law of 1933, the centralization system was completed. Thus: a) Textbooks were to be determined and supplied by the Government, b) Education Board and District Committee members were to be appointed by the Government, c) the Government was to have complete control over the Educational Taxes, d) the Board of Education would be reduced to the form of a consultative body only, e) in addition to these the Land Taxes of the Turkish people would be raised, in order to meet Educational expenses.

Up to 1933, however, the curriculum was being determined by the Board of Education. When this power passed to the Government under the new Law, a new curriculum was prepared for the Elementary schools and put into practice during the school-year 1935-36. As a result of this, the importation of the textbooks that were being brought from Turkey until then, was prohibited. As it was possible to prepare in Cyprus only the Primer and Reading books, instruction without a text-book for the rest of the subjects was put into practice… In 1936 English as a secondary language was added to the Elementary School Curriculum.” (26) The name of the Turkish Cypriot lyceum was changed into “Islamic Lyceum”, starting from the school-year 1936-37 and the teaching of Turkish history and Ataturkist principles were not desirable. (27)
Panayiotis K. Persianis writes that “contrary to what was feared, the Governor did not order the immediate change of textbooks (for the Greek Cypriots after 1931). With the exception of political maps showing Cyprus as part of Greek territory, which were prohibited by the proclamation of 23 December 1936 issued under the Seditious Publications Laws of 1931 and 1932. Readers and textbooks continued to be imported from Greece. The Cyprus Government did not order them to be changed even during World War 2, when the opportunity arose because of the German Government, at the time in exile in Egypt, to reprint the textbooks in Cyprus. The books were reprinted in 1942 and were used in Cyprus until 1948.” (28)

The Cyprus Turkish Lyceum in Nicosia was the centre of anti-British and pro-Turkish nationalism activities in the 1930’s. As mentioned above, the name of the lyceum was changed to “Islamic Lyceum” in 1937 by the newly appointed British veteran officer Mr. Harold Wood as the headmaster of the lyceum. The appointment of British headmasters since 1931 was already a matter of dispute between the colonial administration and the Turkish Cypriot nationalists on one hand and between the pro-British Evqafites and the Turkish Cypriot nationalists on the other hand. For example, Dr.Eyyub, a member of the Legislative Council and of the Lyceum Commission, was attacked by the other members, when he told: “Until the Republic of Turkey will be in a position to raise up such headmasters with enough competency and character to administer our lyceum, we have to accept the appointment of British headmasters.” (29)
Until the school-year 1943-1944, there was only one secondary school, that in Nicosia, but afterwards new secondary schools were opened in Famagusta, Limassol and Paphos for the Turkish Cypriots. The Cyprus Victoria Moslem Girls’ Technical School, which was established in 1901 and later turned into a secondary school, was raised to the status of a lyceum in 1952.

Education was among the important problems dealt by the “Turkish Affairs Commission” formed by the Colonial Government in 1948. We read from the Halkin Sesi daily on 30th October 1948 the following: “The Turkish Cypriots give more importance to their education in the last 10-15 years, but Mr. Cullen (the Head of Education Department) obstructs the teaching of the elementary books imported from Turkey.”
Another report in Halkin Sesi daily on the 8th June 1949 states: “According to the instruction of the Governor’s deputy, the term “Turkish Cypriots” will be used, instead of Moslems of Cyprus”.

In 1949, we see the amendment of the Educational Law of 1935 and a new “regulation for the curriculum” was prepared and the same coverage and time-tables for both Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot schools were accepted.
In the past period, Halil Fikret Alasya, who was a teacher at the lyceum, published in 1939 “The History of Cyprus (B.C.1450-A.D.1878) and its main antiquities” (174 pages), but it was not used as a textbook.

Alasya later immigrated to Turkey. Another émigré of Turkish Cypriot origin, Ismet Konur, who was a teacher of history in Denizli, published in 1938 in Istanbul his book “Turkish Cypriots”. The first 22 pages were about the history of Cyprus. His second book “The History of Cyprus and the Turkish Monuments in Cyprus” was published in 1946 in Adana. Konur was very critical of the British in his both books and they were banned in Cyprus.
Starting from the school-year 1950-1951, the British headmaster of the lyceum retired and a new headmaster from Turkey, who was of Turkish Cypriot origin, was appointed. Now the school was called again as “The Turkish Lyceum”. Turkish national days were accepted as school holidays. (30)

In 1951 “Halk ve Çocuklara Resimli Kıbrıs Tarih Bilgisi” (Illustrated Knowledge on History for the People and Children) was published by an elementary school teacher, Fikri Karayel, which was used at the schools. The Department of Education was publishing two monthly school magazines, called “Pictorial Education” and “Children’s Journal” in Greek and Turkish languages. These publications were distributed free of charge and the Church leaders tried to prevent their being circulated among the Greek Cypriot children on the ground that they were published merely for propaganda purposes. (31)
Turkish Cypriot Board of Education for the years 1955-1956 decided to abolish the methods of teaching without textbooks and that the history books together with the others would be supplied from Turkey. For the school-year 1956-1957, we read this decision in the Minutes: “Greek language will not be taught anymore at the secondary schools and lyceums.” (32)

Again in 1956, the new Director of Education, W. B. Tudhope, tried to break the rigid centralization, which had remained in force since 1933. He announced a policy of “partnership”, by which the Greek and Turkish communities were invited to take over extensive control of their education. According to the new arrangement, education, instead of being divided on a level basis, was henceforth to be differentiated on a community basis. Administration was divided between officers, who would be responsible to the Deputy Director. A Greek Cypriot Education Officer would be responsible for the Greek elementary and secondary education, a Turkish Cypriot for the Turkish education and a British Officer for the Government and inter-communal schools and institutions. (33)

One of the first decisions of the Turkish Cypriot Board of Education, taken on 1st April 1957, was to supply the textbooks for the school-year 1957-1958 from Turkey. The text-books of Arithmetic, Religion and Civics were to be printed in Cyprus. (34)
Starting from 9th October 1958, Mr. Fuat Sami was appointed as the Turkish Cypriot Education Officer and the Minutes of the Board was recorded only in Turkish, not anymore in English too. (35)

The 23rd April was declared as in Turkey a public holiday for the elementary schools. For the school-years 1958-1958, a decision was taken for the printing of all textbooks used in the elementary schools in Turkey. On the 9th June 1959, the administration of the Turkish Cypriot Education was given to the Turkish Cypriot community, which decided to raise the Turkish flag every weekend at the schools with a ceremony. (36)
At the end of the British rule, the Turkish Cypriots had seven lyceums, three secondary schools one institute and two technical schools. Of these, only one lyceum, three secondary schools and one institute were being run with the financial aid of the Government of the Turkish Republic. The ten remaining secondary educational institutions were under the administration and control of the Education Office. In 1960, the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus in Article 87, paragraph b, transferred “all educational, cultural and teaching matters” under the jurisdiction of the Turkish Cypriot Communal Chamber. (37)

In 1959, a mainland Turkish teacher of history published “An Outline of the History of Cyprus” in Nicosia. This was followed another book, by Ahmet Gazioğlu, a Turkish Cypriot teacher, “Cyprus under British Rule – Matters of Status and Constitution (1878-1960)” in 1960. Both were not used as textbooks.
Those textbooks about geography and history of Cyprus published during the British rule were not critical about the British administration as we examined. But the situation changed when the British left the island and the education was left to the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots.  

The first Turkish Cypriot textbook of Cyprus History, published after the clashes of December 1963, was the one, written by a teacher of history, Vergi H. Bedevi: “From the early beginning up to our time, The History of Cyprus”, published in Nicosia in 1966. This 226 paged book was approved by the Turkish Department of Education as an ancillary textbook with its decision No.28/62, dated 7th February 1966.
The section 5 of the book starts with “The rent of Cyprus to England”. The following evaluation ends up the section: “The change of administration (to British) in Cyprus was greeted by the Greek Government and the Greek Cypriots, because they were hoping that this would end up with the union of Cyprus with Greece. Moreover, one of the Cypriot Bishops, Kyprianos, spoke on the occasion of Sir Wolseley’s arrival: “Like England did it for the Greek Islands, we believe that she will help us for our annexation to our motherland Greece. That’s why we are happy with the British administration.” (p.167)

The following sections are as follows:

6. The British administrative system (p.167)

7. Annexation of Cyprus to England (p.169)

8. Cyprus in Lausanne Agreement (p.171)

9. The change in 1925 (to Crown Colony) (p.172)

10. Rebellion of 1931. Here the three reasons of the rebellion were given such as:

            1. Colonialist policy of England on the island and non-recognition of the basic right

                  to local autonomy as she did it in its other colonies in Asia and Africa.

            2. Growing crisis of the economic situation on the island

3. Systemic propaganda for the union of Cyprus with Greece (p.173)

11. The period between 1931 and 1959. Here we see references to “two important changes in

      Cyprus after the Second World War: 1) Formation of a Communist Party, named AKEL

      and 2) Labour Party gets into power in England.” There is also information about the

      political organization of Turkish Cypriots, namely the KATAK. In 1948, main demands of

      the Turkish Cypriots from the Colonial Government are listed as follows:

1.      Handing the Evqaf to the Turkish community.

2.      Putting the Turkish schools out of the absolute control of the government and the election of the members of the school commission by the people themselves.

3.      Allowing the election of a Mufti for the Turkish community.

4.      Change of the Inheritance Law for Moslems.

5.      Abolition of the Religious Sheri Courts, Preparation of a New and Modern Family Law and Establishment of Modern Family Courts.

   Reference was also made to the activities of the Greek Cypriots for the Union of Cyprus with Greece (enosis). The position of Greece and Turkey, the developments in the years 1954 to 1959 (p.181-194) and a summary of the Agreements of Guarantee and Alliance (p.195) are dealt with. The list of the British High Commissioners and Governors ends the chapters on the British Rule (p.196)

The approach of the writer of the book can be defined as nationalist, but not as chauvinist in general. On the back-cover of the book, it was stressed that there was no objective history of Cyprus and this book would fill the gap, breaking the monopoly of the foreign history writers. The book was published by the Cyprus Turkish History Association.

In 1967, a Turkish Cypriot teacher of geography, Ali Beyoğlu, published his “Geography of Cyprus” in Nicosia. This 82 paged book was written as “a contribution to the Turkish Cypriot culture” as the writer put it in the preface and it was not used as a textbook in the schools. In the references of both books, we see two mimeographs, prepared by special commissions, but they are not used as textbooks as well: “Notes of the History of Cyprus – Three Parts, Nicosia 1962” and “Geography of Cyprus” – Three Parts, Nicosia 1962”. Turkish Cypriot Education Department prepared a third book on Civics, but all of the three books were not published officially for the reasons we could not learn.

 A new “History of Cyprus” was published in November 1970 by the new President of the Cyprus Turkish History Association, Vehbi Zeki. This 180 paged book was approved by the Cyprus Turkish Directorate for Education on 1st February 1971 as the “textbook” for the lessons of History of Cyprus at the secondary schools’ first, second and third classes. More than 10 reprints of this textbook were made and it is still in use.

Two chapters of this book deal with the British Rule in Cyprus. The 8th chapter has the title “English Sovereignty in Cyprus”. General outlines of the lesson are summarized in 13 parts with related explanatory questions.

Mr.Vehbi Zeki writes on p.102: “The hand-over of the Turkish Administration to the British was received with some resistance even if it was small in scale. A patriotic Turkish officer in Famagusta resisted with gun-fire at the head of his division against the British occupation. The local Council in Limassol did not recognize the British occupation, but later under the use of force, it accepted the new situation.

As the Turkish flag was lowered in Nicosia and the British flag was raised, a Greek Cypriot insulted a Turkish officer during this ceremony. The Turkish officer took his sword out and attacked the man, but the pallikaria was able to escape through the crowd.

The Greek Cypriots, as they had done in the course of history, accepted their new masters. They were happy to see the Turks leaving, who had saved them then from slavery and gave them all kinds of opportunities.”

On p.103, there is an extract from Rauf Denktash’s book “Cyprus: Five Minutes before Twelve” about the ceremony of downing the Ottoman flag, ending with this sentence: “Without exaggeration, one can say that with this flag ceremony, the political rope-game between the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots had begun.” (p.105)

The evaluation of the measures taken after 1931 was done by the writer in the following manner: “After the rebellion on 21st October 1931, these measures were taken:

1.      The Greek Consul, Kyrou, was called back to Greece.

2.      The Legislative Council was abolished.  

3.      The Kitium Bishop, Nikodemos and his friends were exiled from Cyprus.

4.      Many liberties were restricted. For example, the restriction of the freedom of press, appointment of the village-heads, instead of their election by the people, banning of raising the flags without getting permission from the authorities etc.

5.      The damage, caused by the rebellion, 34.345 Cyprus pounds, was to be collected from the villages and towns, participated at this rebellion.

6.      The political parties were banned.

7.      The press was put under censorship.

8.      The teaching of Turkish and Greek history in the schools was prohibited.

              We have to stress here with sorrow that the above measures were applied also to the

              Turkish Cypriot community, although they were not at fault and did not take any part

               in the rebellion.” (p.108-109)

The reason of the rebellion in 1931 is described here as follow: “Indeed, the Greeks were planning a rebellion for the “union”. The problem of the budget’s refusal was only a pretext.” Vergi Bedevi uses “Kavanin Meclisi” as the right translation of the “Legislative Assembly”, whereas Vehbi Zeki uses “Teşrii Meclis”, which was not the word used in practice, probably taken from the books, written by mainland Turks.

There is reference to the KATAK, but it adds this: “There was soon a disagreement among the party members. Dr. F. Kucuk and his friends left the party and formed another under the name “Cyprus National Turkish People’s Party, which later in 1948 reunited under the name “Cyprus National Unity Party.” (p.109) The other political developments in the Cyprus problem are described up to the Macmillan Plan. On p.114 there is a map of the villages, where the Turkish Cypriots were attacked by the EOKA terror organization in 1955-58. In the text it reads: “The EOKA murderers destroyed many Turkish villages with their brutal attacks.” (p.113) It continues: “For the cause of separating the joint municipalities, pro-partition meetings were organized by the attacks. But those meetings, which had no back-thoughts were attacked brutally by the British soldiers and 7 innocent race-brothers of ours were killed as the result of this. Later meetings were staged in the Motherland for Cyprus. As the island was painted with blood, the British Prime Minister Macmillan announced new proposals for the administration of Cyprus on 19th June 1958.” (p.112)

These important events in May-June 1958 are described in Bedevi’s book with another aspect:  “This incidence raised the tension in Cyprus and excited the Turks of the island… As the idea of partition grew stronger once more, the mainland Turkish youth opened “a campaign for volunteers” to fight in a possible civil war in Cyprus. 25.000 Turkish youths applied to come to Cyprus and fight shoulder-to-shoulder with the Turkish Cypriots… The first meeting of 300,000 people took place in Istanbul on 8th June. It was followed by others in seven leading cities.” (p.189) There is also a list of the fallen Turkish Cypriots in June-August 1958 on pages 190-191.

Vehbi Zeki writes about the “Search for a solution to the Cyprus problem” in the 9th Chapter (p.117-124) There is a summary of the Zürich and London Agreements on p.118-121.

On p.121, we read the arrival of the Turkish soldiers in Cyprus in this sentence: “After 82 years of its departure, the representative of the brave Turkish Army, the Turkish Contingent in Cyprus landed once again on Turkish Cyprus on 16th August 1960.” We see another extract from Rauf Denktash, “speaking to the brave Turkish soldiers in the name of the Turkish Cypriots.” Vehbi Zeki illustrates the section with four pictures of the Turkish contingent and he writes: “After 82 years of separation, the Turkish soldiers stepped on Turkish Cyprus once again with the decisiveness of never leaving the island again.” (p.124)

In this book, there is also a small section, two and half pages, about “The education in Cyprus during the British period” (p.114-116), which says: “During the British period, the Turkish Cypriot schools in general were under great pressure. Even the pictures of Ataturk and other Turkish dignitaries were removed with putting those of the British king and dignitaries. We used to have the British flag on the masts and sing the march “God save the King”. Despite all the pressure of the British government, the hard-working Turkish teachers educated the youth loyal to the reforms of Ataturk.” (p.116)

In the Turkish Cypriot lyceums, the textbook of “History of the Struggle of the Turkish Cypriots (1878-1981” by Zeki Serter and Ozan Zeki Fikretoglu, first published in 1982 in Nicosia is taught. This book was originally written in three volumes, dealing with the periods 1878-1959, 1959-1963 and 1963-1975 respectively and its author, Dr. Vehbi Zeki Serter was also the Educational Inspector of the Ministry for Education, Culture and Youth. With the decision of the Directorate of Education on 25th June 1973, it was approved as ancillary textbook for the lessons of “History of (Turkish) Revolution”.  It is interesting that there is a note in the first print of the book: “This book is examined by Rauf R. Denktash, Vice-President and the President of the Turkish Administration.” The first print of the book was dedicated to the 50th Anniversary of the Republic of Turkey.

In 1982, a concise textbook of 104 pages was printed. This time Serter worked with Fikretoglu, who was the Director of Instruction and Training at the Ministry of Education. This “History of Struggle of the Turkish Cypriots” was approved on 14th January 1982 for the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Classes of the Lyceum as textbook.

The British rule is dealt in three chapters: Chapter 2 (Cyprus during the English Administration), Chapter 3 (The 1956-59 Period) and Chapter 4 (The transitory period, February 1959-August 1960).

Some extracts from the Chapter 2 are given below:

“The 1890’s are the years, full of activities of the Greek Cypriot community, aimed at the union of the island with Greece and we see the concentrated initiatives of the Turkish Cypriot community in order to block these initiatives… As British Deputy Minister of Colonies, Sir Winston Churchill, who was on a visit to the island in 1907 left Cyprus, he addressed to the Greek Cypriots in Limassol: “Since there are Turkish and Greek communities here, it is not possible to have enosis. If you want your country to have a high standard of living, you have to find a way to cooperate with the other community in a friendly manner.” This period is full of injustice, done to the Turkish Cypriots by the colonial administration in the public offices and municipalities. Therefore, one can find many complaints, published in the local Turkish Cypriot newspapers. For example, although the town Polis has an equal population of the Greek and Turkish Cypriots, the nearby Greek Cypriot villages were put within the boundaries of Polis, but the nearer Turkish Cypriot villages were excluded. Another example was favouring Varosha and not Famagusta, the old city. The revenue gathered from the Port of Famagusta was used for the works of illumination and cleaning in Varosha, whereas the Turkish Cypriot part of the town, Famagusta, could not benefit from such works. Another complaint was that the Greek Cypriots were favoured by the appointments to the vacant posts in the Police, instead of Turkish Cypriots, who were at their right turn. The Greek Cypriots could not have teachers from Greece, whereas this right was not given to the Turkish Cypriots… The period 1878-1931 gave the control of the Evkaf to the government despite the reaction of the Turkish Cypriots, there were British headmasters at the Turkish Lyceums, one for the boys and one for the girls, the posts at the public services were given preferably to the Greek Cypriots, the municipalities under the Greek rule took care of the Greek quarters, whereas Turkish quarters were neglected.” (p.12)   

There are new events mentioned in this book. For example, convening of the Cyprus Turkish National Congress on 1st May 1931 and it gives the list of demands of the Turkish Cypriots from the British administration. (p.13) The measures, taken by the British after the rebellion of 1931, are listed on p.13 and the writer comments: “Thus, the Colonial Administration was punishing the Turkish community, which was loyal to the laws, as well as the Greeks, who were responsible from the rebellion. Especially the pressure on educational institutions and prohibitions were felt, but the sacrificing Turkish teacher resisted and the values of Turkishness were transferred to the pupils in secret manner.” (p.13)

The Turkish Cypriot reaction to the 1950 Plebiscite, the position of the Turkish Government, the formation of the Turkish Cypriot Federation of Associations, which later, at the end of 1957, got its news President, Rauf R. Denktash, who was the chief solicitor of the British Colonial Government are the other developments referred to. (p.15-16) The events from 1951 to 1955 are dealt later (p.16-22) with special sub-section on London Conference.

The 3rd Chapter deals with the developments in 1956, 57 and 58, ending with the Zürich and London Agreements. (p.23-36)

The 4th Chapter is short, only three pages. It reports about the elections for the posts in the new Republic, the landing of the Turkish and Greek Contingents and the reflections of the new Republic’s Declaration in the Greek Cypriot press, which saw it as a new start for the final goal, the union of the island with Greece. (p.43-44)

There have been a lot of criticism of the books, written by Vehbi Zeki Serter, which made many reprints since 1970, but there is no change in the policy of education. One of the last critics about the methods of selling the book at the schools and about the contents of the book appeared in Vatan newspaper on 5th November 1992: “From our point of view, among the unnecessary lessons given in our schools, the lesson of Turkish Cypriot History is the most important. What a pity that our glorious history is lost in the book of Vehbi Zeki and almost no mention is made to our recent history. The Ministry of Education has not allocated the necessary money for a comprehensive book, but it brings the years-old book of Vehbi Zeki every year into the young brains. (Metin Semerci)”

There was lately a seminar for the teachers of History and Social Knowledge, titled “new Approaches in the teaching of Cyprus History”, but this was again sick of chauvinism . (38)

The last minister of Education and Culture, Mehmet Ali Talat, who was appointed in January 1994, tried to make some changes in the curriculum, but he was attacked by the chauvinist press. The parents are also critical of the textbooks, dealing with Cyprus history. One of them complained: “The Greek Cypriots teach chauvinism at their schools, but we should not do the same with giving this as a pretext. The chauvinist contents of the textbooks of Cypriot History should be changed.” The police raided the place, where the meeting took place with the Minister and an interrogation was started immediately, asking, who was talking destructively and who the Minister was. (39)
The other textbooks taught at the schools of the Turkish Cypriots are all imported from Turkey. In some years the textbooks arrive late or some of them fail. (40) The textbook of National Geography I has two and a half pages about Cyprus, stating that the part, where the Turks are living is the TRNC in the northern part of the island: “The inhabitants of this part call our country as “Motherland” or “our race-brothers in the Northern part live within the boundaries of the TRNC under the guarantee of their motherland” are the examples of the approach to the island, giving the perspectives: “The Turkish Cypriot side believes in a bi-communal, bi-regional and politically equal federal framework, where both peoples could come together and this is only possible with the active and influential guarantee of Turkey.” (41)

It is interesting that when there was a meeting in Ankara about a joint textbook of History and Literature for all the Turkic republics, the TRNC was not invited on the ground that there was no need to invite the TRNC, since Cyprus is seen as a part of Turkey. The Ministry of National Education of Turkey said: “Cyprus already uses the same curriculum as in Turkey and we did not need to invite a special representative from Cyprus.” (42)
That concludes our evaluation of the Turkish Cypriot textbooks and the British rule in Turkish Cypriot textbooks.

NOTES:
1.      Zia, Dr.Nasim, Kıbrıs’ın İngiltere’ye geçişi ve Adada kurulan İngiliz İdaresi, Ankara 1975, p.79-80
2.      Excerpta Cypria, Nicosia 1969, p.490
3.      Keshishian, Kevork K., Romantisches Zypern, Nicosia, p.35
4.      An, Ahmet, Turkish Cypriot Bibliography 1878-1963, in Deldio Bibliografikis Eterias Kipru, Tomos G (1990), Lefkosia 1991, p.181
5.       Beckingham, C. F., The Turks of Cyprus, in the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol.87, Part 2, 1957, p.164-174
6.      Suha, Ali, Turkish Education in Cyprus, in the First International Congress of Cypriot Studies, 14-19 April 1969-Papers of the Turkish Delegation, Ankara 1971, p.240
7.      Ibid, p.236-237
8.      Ibid, p.239-240
9.      Ibid, p.241
10.  Orr, Captain C.W.J., Cyprus under British Rule, London 1972, p.122-123
11.  Behçet, Hasan, Kıbrıs Türk Maarif Tarihi (1571-1968), Lefkoşa 1969, p.75
12.  Ibid, p.79
13.  Fedai, Harid, İlklerden bir kitap: Ziver Bey’in Kıbrıs Tarihi, Yeni Kıbrıs, Eylül 1989
14.  Fedai, Harid, Ziver Bey’in Kimliği, Türk Bankası Kültür-Sanat Dergisi, Sayı:11, November 1992
15.  Fedai, Harid, Muhtasar Kıbrıs Coğrafyası, Söz, 20-23 November 1984
16.  Behçet, Hasan, ibid, p.86
17.  Ibid, p.88
18.  Orr, Captain C.W.J., ibid, p.133
19.  Persianis, Panayiotis K., Church and State in Cyprus Education, Nicosia 1978, p.91
20.  Behçet, Hasan, ibid, p.89, p.92
21.  Fedai, Harid, Muhtasar Kıbrıs Coğrafyası ve Muhtasar Kıbrıs Tarihi, Söz, 23-26 November 1984
22.  Kıbrıs Erkek Lisesi Mecmuası 1933-1934 Yıllığı, p.29
23.  Behçet, Hasan, ibid, p.133
24.  Ibid, p.127, p.133
25.  Ibid, p.97
26.  Suha, Ali, ibid, p.242
27.  Behçet, Hasan, ibid, p.728
28.  Persianis, Panatiotis K., ibid, p.170
29.  Behçet, Hasan, ibid, p.612
30.  Ibid, p.719-720
31.  Persianis, Panatiotis K., ibid, p.172
32.  Behçet, Hasan, ibid, p.141
33.  Persianis, Panatiotis K., ibid, p.111
34.  Tekakpınar, Kemal and Demiray Doğasal, Dr. Fazıl Küçük (1906-1984), Nicosia 1991, p.765
35.  Behçet, Hasan, ibid, p.106
36.  ibid, p.108-109
37.  Suha, Ali, ibid, p.244
38.  Halkın Sesi, 15 February 1990
39.  Kıbrıs, 2 February 1994
40.  Kıbrıs, 9 October 1993
41.  Orta Okullar için Milli Coğrafya I, 4. Basılış, Ankara 1992
42.  Cumhuriyet, 31 March 1993

(This paper was originally prepared and read for the first time in English at the international conference on “Cyprus in Textbooks-Textbooks in Cyprus”, organized by Georg-Eckert Institute for International Textbook Research in Braunschweig-Germany between 28.4 and 1.5.1994. It was published later in “Cyprus Review” Journal, Nicosia, Volume 6:1, Spring 1994, pp. 65–79)