Friday, January 25, 2013

ORIGINS OF THE TURKISH CYPRIOTS


 
 

The conquest of Cyprus had always been part of Suleiman the Magnificent’s projects after the conquest of Rhodes in 1522, to increase his supremacy over the Eastern Mediterranean. But it was only after his death that his son and successor, Selim II, carried out the plan. On 1st July 1570 the Turkish forces landed at Limassol which surrendered. Three weeks later Nicosia was taken and then siege was laid to Famagusta, which capitulated after a resistance of ten months, prolonged in the vain hope of receiving help from Venice.

The fall of Famagusta marked the end of Venetian rule in Cyprus. Despite the naval victory won by the Christian alliance at Lepanto later in the same year (1571), Venice was compelled to sue for peace. In 1573, Venice signed a Treaty of Peace with Turkey by which it was agreed that the Sultan should retain Cyprus and the heavy expenses of the expedition should be refunded to him.

The Turkish rule began auspiciously in spite of the grievous but inescapable misfortunes of a war of such magnitude. Feudalism was abolished. The serfs were freed after centuries of virtual slavery and were allowed henceforth to own their own land. Freedom of worship was granted to the people, the Orthodox church was officially recognised and the Orthodox Archbishopric was re-established after an eclipse of three hundred years.

These rights, initially promised by Lala Mustapha, the Commander of the expedition, were confirmed by the Sultan through the Grand Vezir to a delegation of Cypriots, which visited Constantinople shortly after the conquest.

 The commander Lala Mustafa Pasha left a number of soldiers in Cyprus. The official Ottoman sources mention about a total of 3,779 soldiers who later brought their families to Cyprus. Some of them married the widows or daughters of the fallen Latin notables. An example is the last Lusignan Cornaro Lady of Potamia Castle who married the cavalry soldier Ibrahim Menteshoglou. Their family has survived to the present day with the families of Menteshoglou and Bodamializade.

The census taken shortly after the conquest revealed a taxable population of some 85,000 Greeks, Armenians and Maronites and also 20,000 Turkish settlers, mostly campaign veterans, who were given land by Mustapha. For administrative purposes the island was divided into seventeen districts but by the19th century they were reduced to six. The administrative centre was at Nicosia, at the head of which was a Pasha nominated by the Grand Vezir of Constantinople.

The island’s defence was entrusted to a corps of 1,000 Janissaries (foot soldiers) paid partly from the revenues of certain estates allotted to the corps, and an estimated 2,000 to 3,000 Spahis (cavalry) recruited or supported by the land owners. The Janissaries were under the military command of an Agha who ranked fourth in importance in the governmental hierarchy after the Governor, the Chief of the Treasury and the Kadi (judge). Every town, village or quarter was under the administration of a Janissary, but it appears that the peasants were allowed to have their own village authorities, in all probability appointed by the local Turkish official from among the village elders, or suggested by the villagers and confirmed by the official.

According to the Ottoman Register Book of 1572, 905 villages were inhabitated and 76 villages were deserted and the unused land had to be cultivated. The Sultan, realizing that the island needed human resources for labour issued a firman which was sent to the Kadis (local judges) of the following Anatolian provinces: Karaman, Ichel, Bozok. Alaiye (Alanya), Teke (Antalia) and Manavgat. One of every10 families living in these provinces was ordered to be transferred to the island of Cyprus, making a total of 5,720 families. Eventually, only 1,689 families were settled in Cyprus. According to another Register Book of 1581, 12,000 families were planned to be transferred, but only 8,000 families could make it. In the following years, other Turkish families from Konya, Kirsehir, Chorum, Samsun, Chankiri, Eskisehir, Ankara, Darende and Ushak settled in the towns which were surrounded by fortified walls or had castles (Nicosia, Famagusta, Limassol, Paphos and Kyrenia) and in the deserted Latin villages. Later they intermingled with the Greek Cypriots and cooperated with them in every field of life. Although the two communities belonged to different religions and had other ethnic distinctive features, they lived harmoniously, influencing each other as they worked side by side in the rural and urban areas.

 

The coexistence of the two communities during the Ottoman period

The people of Cyprus were heavily taxed by the Ottoman governors. The economic depredation by the Turkish Aghas and particularly the farming of taxes soon began to tell on the economy of the island. Locusts and repeated droughts deepened the economic depression. Many sought salvation in emigration. In 1640 there was a great famine and the next year a vicious epidemic. As a consequence, during the first 70 years of Turkish rule the population declined by 75%. The Porte found it necessary to withdraw the Pashas of Paphos and Famagusta and to lessen the burden of taxation. These were temporary measures and the tribute-gathering machine   ground on pitilessly which inevitably led to revolt.

In the early years of the Ottoman administration, in 1578, 1580 and 1593 there were some small scale disturbances organized by the Greek Cypriots, who later joined forces with the Moslems to revolt against the local Ottoman administrators.

In 1764 , the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots rose against Chil Osman Agha, attacked the palace, and though they were fired upon, broke in and killed Chil Osman Pasha and about eighteen of his men, looted the treasury and set fire to the building. Four months later, Khalil Agha, military commander of Kyrenia, raised the standard of revolt and issued orders to both Greeks and Turks villagers not to pay taxes. The uprising made little difference to the overall situation and nothing much changed.

 In the 18th century, the Greek Orthodox Church received some privileges from the Ottoman government and their authority increased. At the same time, the Greek Dragoman, who was the principal link between them and the Turkish authorities, became more influential. He was the chief collector of taxes and duties and through his hands passed all kinds of public and private business. Thus, with the Greek Dragoman directly in control of affairs and the Greek Archbishop enjoying immense prestige, the Greek population became actually self-governing.

It was, perhaps, inevitable that the growing authority of the Archbishop and the Dragoman should provoke the hostility of the Turks. In 1821, after the outbreak of the Greek revolution, Archbishop Kyprianos was accused of conspiring with the insurgents and of organizing a rebellion aiming at the union of the island with Greece. He was arrested and executed together with all the other religious leaders.

 This event influenced the political climate on the island. By the middle of the 19th century, the ideals of mainland Greek culture, tradition and politics were disseminated through the schools of the Greek Orthodox Church of Cyprus, especially by mainland Greek nationalist teachers. The education of the Turkish Cypriots was not an issue for the local Ottoman government. Rich local people used to donate money for the maintenance of the religious schools called medrese. Only in 1862 was the first modern elementary school established and in 1897 the first modern secondary school for the Turkish Cypriots. The first girls’ school was opened in 1901.

 

The contribution of the Ottomans to Cypriot art and culture

In the 300 years of Ottoman rule in Cyprus, the Turks built mostly religious buildings. Some of these were Gothic cathedrals turned into mosques by adding minarets, e.g. Mosques of St.Sophia in Nicoisa and St.Nicholas in Famagusta. Some 200 small mosques were also built. The most important ones are Bairaktar, Arabahmet and Sarayonu Mosques in Nicosia, Ziya Pasha Mosque in Dali, Seyit Ahmet Agha Mosque in Larnaka, Cafer Pasha Mosque in Kyrenia, Cami-i Cedid in Limassol, Pir Pasha Mosque in Lefka and Haydarpashazade Mahmut Bey Mosque in Lapithos. Hala Sultan Tekke near the salt lake in Larnaka and the Mevlevi Tekke in Nicosia, near the Kyrenia Gate in Nicosia are the most important two tekkes. The Great Inn in Nicosia was built after the conquest by the orders of Muzaffer Pasha. Later the Gamblers’ Inn in the same vicinity was built. The Sultan Mahmut II Library in Nicosia, Bekir Pasha Water Arches in Larnaka (built by his own money as he was governor in Cyprus), various fountains and grave-inscriptions are further examples of Ottoman architecture in Cyprus.

There were a lot of Turkish Cypriot poets born in Cyprus during the Ottoman period. Mufti Hilmi (1782-1847), the most famous of them, was given the title “Sultan of the Ottoman Poets” by the Ottoman Emperor, Sultan Mahmut II. The most famous of the folk poets of this period was Kenzi (1795-1839). (See Ahmet An, “The Values Cyprus Cultivated”, a book of the biographies of more than 160 Turkish Cypriots born before 1899, which also gives information about the cultural and social life in that period, published in Turkish in 2002.) 

The Anatolian Turks settled in Cyprus during the Ottoman period had brought their traditional Turkish-Islam culture with them and reproduced it in a different environment. One should not forget that they were influenced by the culture of the local Greek Christian population as they gave some cultural values to the neighbouring community. As a result, some common cultural and folkloric features developed. In Cypriot folklore, some motifs are so intermingled that one cannot say how much one community gave to the other. The architecture in the towns is very similar, with the kiosks and wide windows resembling those in Anatolia and the Balkans and originating from Byzantium. The Gothic broken arch is also widely used both in the rural and urban areas. The interior design of the houses is also similar.

 

The economic and social development of the Moslem population of Cyprus after the British took over the administration from the Ottomans

The Moslem population which brought the Turkish-Islamic culture to Cyprus from Anatolia lived peacefully with the Christian population of the island during the Ottoman period. As the Christians developed a well-to-do class in the middle of the 19th century, they adopted the way of life of the Ottoman administrators of the island, using the same style of houses and dresses. Most of them could speak the Turkish language. Later, after the start of British rule, they developed their own Christian schools, disseminating Greek literature and the Greek language together with Greek nationalism and enlightenment, with the help of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus.

Christians and Moslems in the rural areas lived almost identical lives. Only the religion was different. They created the new Cypriot folklore together with the craftsmen in the towns. Certain fields of trade, construction and carpentry were carried on only by the Greek Cypriots, whereas the fields of midwifery, quilt-making and textiles were dominated by the Turkish Cypriots.

During the British period, although there were some political restrictions, the Greek Cypriot community developed better than the Turkish Cypriot community in the fields of economy, education, culture and social life. The Orthodox Church of Cyprus also helped to make Cyprus an intellectual centre, bringing the bourgeois movement from Europe through Greece.

On the other hand the Turkish Cypriot community had to wait for the formation of the new Turkish state in Anatolia under the leadership of Ataturk. The Turkish Cypriots were open to the modern way of life because of their coexistence with the Greek Cypriots.  That is why they were ready to adopt Ataturk’s reforms (modern dress, Latin alphabet, laicism  etc.) quicker than the Anatolian Turks.

Although there was a difference of mentality and psychology between the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots, they did not have big disagreements. The development of their ethnic-national awareness was more rapid during the British rule as the middle-class grew in the towns. The enosis movement of the Greek Cypriots and the Greek defeat in Western Anatolia hastened the polarization of the two communities. After the Second World War, the sporadic assimilation of the Turkish Cypriots stopped because of the emerging nationalism among the Turkish Cypriot elite.

The Turkish Cypriot landowners and the leaders who cooperated closely with the British colonial government, were already too late to catch up with the development achieved by the Greek Cypriot commercial bourgeoisie and they preferred to start the notorious “from Turk to Turk campaign” only with the help of the underground organisation TMT, with the aim of building the economic and political base for partitioning the island between the two communities.     

 

The cultural life of the Turkish Cypriots during the British period

During the years of the Second World War, we see an awakening of the Turkish Cypriot community. The formation of the first Turkish Cypriot political party was in 1942 under the title KATAK (acronym for the “Organisation of the Turkish Minority in the Island of Cyprus” in Turkish). The separate ethnically-based trade-unions started in those years, because of the pro-enosis policy of the Greek Cypriots. New literary journals and newspapers were also published in this period. For example “Yeni Mecmua” (New Journal) in 1944, “Dünya” (World) and “Ocak” (Hearth) in 1945. Dr.Fazil Kuchuk’s Halkin Sesi (People’s Voice) was launched in this period in 1942. Yanki (Echo), Inkılap (Revolution), Ateş (Fire) newspapers were all published in 1945-46. Later came the other newspapers until the beginning of the 1950’s, like Kurun, Emekci, Sabah, Kibris, Istiklal, Milliyet, Memleket, Bozkurt and Vatan.

The number of books published by the Turkish Cypriots between 1878 and 1939 was 120, whereas between 1940 and 1963, 205 books were published. This shows the intellectual activity of the Turkish Cypriots in the fields of both politics and culture in the two periods. The working-class movement was also in full swing until the fascist terror of the TMT started. The Turkish Cypriot leadership was able to silence the voices of the opposition with the help of the TMT, which continued to be active after the foundation of the Republic of Cyprus, killing in 1962 the two advocates, Gurkan and Hikmet, who were trying to organize the opposition around their newspaper “Cumhuriyet” (Republic).

The AKEL activist Dervish Ali Kavazoglou was murdered by the TMT in 1965 and the political opposition was supressed. The silence of the Turkish Cypriot people was broken only after 1968 when the elementary school teachers organized themselves into a trade-union and started a struggle against the Turkish Cypriot leadership. It was only after 1967 when the graduates of the secondary schools, who were forced to stay in the enclaves and do military service, were allowed to go abroad for higher studies. Most of the Turkish Cypriot university students in Turkey were progressive, but not all of them continued to be so when they settled after graduation in Cyprus, as they became civil servants of the establishment. Intellectual activities were limited during the 1960’s because of the limited freedoms inside and outside the enclaves. The number of books published during this period was only 187, including the official propaganda books. 

After 1974, there was great turmoil among the Turkish Cypriot people who entered into a new stage of survival or extinction after the influx of the Turkish settlers from the mainland. A new communal order was established in the northern Turkish occupied part of the island and this posed a lot of questions about Turkish-Cypriot identity. The influences from mainland Turkey became more intense through the organs of the mass media which aim at a policy of Turkification of the occupied part. The awareness of Cypriotism in the cultural area has led to studies of Turkish Cypriot history, literature, culture and folklore becoming popular subjects for research among the Turkish Cypriot elite. In the last 30 years, over 1500 books on these subjects have been published, a striking trend which runs parallel to the political struggle by the opposition political parties for more democracy and economic progress.

 

Bibliography:

Sir George Hill, A History of Cyprus, Vol.IV, pages 878-950 Cambridge University Press 1972

Doros Alastos, Cyprus in History, pages 259-280, Zeno Publishers, London 1976

 

(Cyprus Today, Vol.XLVI, No.2, April-June 2008)     

 

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