Ahmet Djavit An
Abstract
The paper provides
information about the factors that endanger the existence of the Turkish
Cypriot community and its identity due to the continuous occupation of the
northern part of Cyprus by the Turkish army. The main emphasis is on the
changes that have been taking place since 1974. It starts with the demographic
changes caused by the constant colonization and transfer of Turkish settlers
and then deals with the consequent formation of settlers’ organizations and the
increasing religious propaganda that rose especially after the AKP’s rise to
power. In addition to this massive colonization process, we also observe the
increase of the criminality rates, drug abuse and sex tourism.
I. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Ottoman Rule
The origins of the Turkish
Cypriot community dates back to the Ottoman conquest of the island in 1570-71.
The commander of the Ottoman Army, Lala Mustafa Pasha, left a number of
soldiers in Cyprus. The official Ottoman sources mention about a total of 3.779
soldiers, who later brought their families to Cyprus. An additional 1.689
families were settled in Cyprus after a firman was issued by the Sultan,
realizing that the island needed human resources for labour. In the following years, other Turkish
families from Konya, Kırşehir, Çorum, Samsun, Çankırı, Eskişehir, Ankara,
Darende and Uşak settled in the towns which were surrounded by fortified walls
or had castles (Nicosia, Famagusta, Limassol, Paphos and Kyrenia) and in the
deserted Latin villages. The census taken shortly after the conquest revealed a
taxable population of some 85.000 Greeks, Armenians and Maronites and also
20.000 Turkish settlers, mostly campaign veterans, who were given land by Lala
Mustafa Paşa.[1]
As we can see from the
Ottoman tax lists, which are kept in the archives of the Cypriot Archbishopric,
some villages converted from Christian into Moslem religion from 1825 to
1832.[2] Some others, who were practicing both religions as Crypto-Christians
(Lino-bambakians), returned to the Christian religion, after the British rule
started. In 1908, their number was less than 1.200, decreasing from the number
at the time of British occupation.[3]
The Moslem population, which
brought the Turkish-Islamic culture to Cyprus from Anatolia, lived peacefully
with the Christian population of the island during the Ottoman period. The
Anatolian settlers intermingled with the Greek Cypriots and cooperated with
them in every field of life. Although the two communities belonged to different
religions and had other ethnic distinctive features, they lived harmoniously,
influencing each other, as they worked side by side in the rural and urban
areas.
British Rule
Establishment of British
Rule
When the island’s
administration was taken over by the British in 1878 and the first census was
done in 1881, the total population was 185.630. 137.631 were Christian Greek
Cypriots, 45.458 were Moslem Turkish Cypriots and 2.541 were other
nationalities i.e. Roman Catholics (1.275), Maronites (830) and Armenian
(174).[4]
The first printing house was
soon established, allowing newspapers to be published both in Greek and
Turkish. In this context, the weekly “Zaman” newspaper was first printed in
1891, while the first book in Turkish language titled “Müsameretname” (Evening
Tales), was published and in 1893. Until 1914 the number of books published in
Cyprus reached 600, 550 of them being in the Greek language.[5]
Cyprus was annexed by
Britain in 1923 (Lausanne Treaty), declaring it a Crown colony in 1924. In the
same year, an organisation under the name “Kıbrıs Türk Cemaat-ı İslâmiyesi”
(Cyprus Turkish Community of Islam) was established that was later (1931)
changed to Kıbrıs Türk Milli Kongresi” (Cyprus Turkish National Congress).
Attempts to Formalize the
Turkish Cypriot Identity
The British colonial
administration had abolished the parliament in October 1931 after a nationalist
rebellion of the Greek Cypriots. During these oppressive years all the national
symbols of Greece and Turkey[6] were banned and no text books were allowed to
come from the mainlands. In the 1930’s the British colonialists strived to
prevent the concept of Cypriotism from leaving behind both Greek Cypriot and
Turkish Cypriot nationalisms. According to Palmer, the British Governor, the
only way to stop or postpone this development was to establish a new
administrational structure, which would provoke inter-regional difference of
identity. In a secret report sent to London on October 23, 1936, he claimed
that:
“In order to have ease in
the future on the island, we have to continue the administration on the basis
of exceptis excipiendis (opening the way to exceptions), on the basis of
districts. Thus the concept of Cypriot nationalism -which will be emerging as a
new concept after Enosis becomes an eroded value- should be pushed away as much
as possible and left in the dark. Now it is almost not living. Cypriots are
either their district’s “nationalists”, or they are Greek or Turks”.[7]
It is in this period that we
see one of the first articles that dealt with the identity of the Turkish
Cypriots. Ulviye Mithat, who wrote in one of her articles in the Turkish
Cypriot newspaper “Ses” (Voice), dated August 24, 1935, underlined the cultural
problems of the Turkish Cypriots in those years as follows:
“As I heard, the cultural
part of the history of Cyprus belonging to the Greek Cypriot community is
completely protected. The Greek Cypriots recorded their cultural history in various
works and prepared them for the coming generations. On the other hand, the
Turkish Cypriots have not even thought of this subject! They also neglected
every period of the history of Cyprus. Where is a history of literature? Where
is a history of administration? Even their general history was written in a
simple text book. The only article written up to now about our cultural history
is the short article about the history of the Lycee, which was published last
year in the journal of the Lycee. We need an article immediately about the
development of our elementary schools which are the cradle of our culture”.
The article mentioned by Ulviye Mithat was the
one written by her husband, history teacher of the Lycee, Mustafa Mithat Bey,
titled “Lisenin Tarihi” (History of the Lycee), and published in the “Kıbrıs
Erkek Lisesi Mecmuası, 1933-1934 Yıllığı” (Journal of the Cyprus Boys’ Lycee,
1933-1934 Almanac) (107-127).[8]
In 1938, a book was written
by İsmet Konur titled “Kıbrıs Türkleri” (The Turks of Cyprus) and was
consequently published by the Remzi Bookshop in Istanbul. This book was banned
in Cyprus by the British colonial regime.[9]
During the British period,
although there were some political restrictions, the Greek Cypriot community
developed better than the Turkish Cypriot community in the fields of economy,
education, culture and social life. Additionally, the bourgeois movement came
from Europe through Greece. The Turkish Cypriots were open to the modern way of
life because of their coexistence with the Greek Cypriots. That is why they were ready to adopt
Atatürk’s reforms (modern dress, Latin alphabet, secularism etc.) quicker than
the Anatolian Turks.
Although there was a
difference of mentality and psychology between the Turkish Cypriots and the
Greek Cypriots, they did not have big disagreements. The development of their
ethnic-national awareness was more rapid during the British rule as the
middle-class grew in the towns. The enosis movement of the Greek Cypriots and
the Greek defeat in Western Anatolia hastened the polarization of the two
communities.
During the Second World War,
we see an awakening of the Turkish Cypriot community. The formation of the
first Turkish Cypriot political party was in 1942 under the title “Kıbrıs Adası
Türk Azınlığı Kurumu” (KATAK, acronym for the “Organisation of the Turkish
Minority in the Island of Cyprus” in Turkish). The separate ethnically-based
trade-unions started in those years, because of the pro-enosis policy of the
Greek Cypriots.
New literary journals and
newspapers were also published in this period.[10] The first delegation of
Turkish teachers from Turkey visited Cyprus in 1948. The leaders of the Turkish
Cypriots living in Turkey came to Cyprus in 1949 and helped the Turkish Cypriot
political parties, football clubs and organizations to unite and to establish
the “Federation of Turkish Cypriot Associations”.
The number of books
published by the Turkish Cypriots from 1878 to 1939 was 120, whereas from 1940
to 1963, 205 books were published. This shows the intellectual activity of the
Turkish Cypriots in the fields of both politics and culture in the two periods.
Final years of the British
Rule
After the Second World War,
the sporadic assimilation of the Turkish Cypriots had stopped because of the
emerging nationalism among the Turkish Cypriot elite. The Turkish Cypriot
landowners and the leaders, who cooperated closely with the British colonial government,
were unable to catch up with the development, achieved by the Greek Cypriot
commercial bourgeoisie. The Turkish Cypriot leadership preferred to start the
notorious “from Turk to Turk campaign” only with the help of the underground
organisation TMT, with the aim of building the economic and political base for
the partition of the island between the two communities.
During the turbulent years
of anti-British terror the Turkish Cypriots were used as colonial police in
order to fight against the EOKA rebels, who aimed at the union (enosis) of the
island with Greece.
In this period, we see one
of the first scientific researches about the Turkish Cypriot community, which
was done by Professor Charles Fraser Buckingham of Islamic Studies at
Manchester University. His first article was titled "The Cypriot
Turks" and was published in the Journal of Royal Central Society (April
1956-No.43, pp.126-130). His second article was titled "The Turks of
Cyprus" and was published in the Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (December 1957-Vol 87, Part II). He also
wrote "Islam in Cyprus", published in The Islamic Quarterly (July
1955-Vol II, No 2, pp 153-141) and "Islam and Turkish Nationalism in
Cyprus", published in Die Welt des Islam (1958, Vol V, No 1-2, pp 65-83).
Republic of Cyprus
The Republic of Cyprus
declared its independence on August 16, 1960 and the first official census was
taken on December 11, 1960. The number of Turkish Cypriots at that time was
104.320. Adding the 475 Moslem gypsies and other Moslems, the total came to
104.942. The number of Christians was 473.265.[11]
The Turkish Cypriot
underground organization, the TMT, continued to be active also after the
foundation of the Republic of Cyprus in 1960. TMT killed in 1962 the two
advocates, Ahmet Gürkan and Ayhan Hikmet, who were trying to organize the
opposition around their newspaper “Cumhuriyet” (Republic) against the
partitionist policy of the Turkish Cypriot leadership. Another Turkish Cypriot,
the AKEL activist Dervish Ali Kavazoglou was murdered by the TMT in 1965 and
the political opposition was supressed for a while. After 1967, the graduates
of the secondary schools, who were forced to stay in the enclaves and do
military service, were allowed to go abroad for higher education. Intellectual
activities were limited during the 1960’s, because of the limited freedoms
inside and outside the Turkish Cypriot enclaves. The number of books published
during this period was only 187, including the official propaganda books.[12]
At the end of 1963, the
Turkish Cypriots had withdrawn from the structure of the Cypriot state after
the outbreak of inter-communal clashes and no census covering the Turkish
Cypriots could be conducted thereafter. According to the study of a Canadian
researcher, Richard A. Patrick, who served as an officer in UNFICYP, entitled
"Political Geography and the Cyprus Conflict 1963-1971", published in
1976, there were a total of 119,147 Turkish Cypriots living in the Turkish
Cypriot settlements on the island.
II. INITIAL CHANGES IN THE STRUCTURE AND IDENTITY
OF THE TURKISH CYPRIOT COMMUNITY
The Partition of the Island
and the Arrival of the First Turkish Settlers
In 1974, Cyprus experienced
two tragedies, the first one was the coup of the Greek fascist officers against
the President of the Republic, Archbishop Makarios. The other one took place
five days later, as the Turkish troops occupied one third of the northern part
of the island. The excuse was to restore the constitutional order before the
coup. These two traumatic events effectively divided Cyprus and its population.
During the military occupation of the northern part of the island, the Greek
Cypriots fled to the southern part of the island, where the legitimate
government of the Republic of Cyprus had complete control.
Shortly after the division
in summer 1974, the following information was provided in a report prepared by
Ahmet Sami, the “Secretary-General of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and
Justice of the Autonomous Turkish-Cypriot Administration", dated October
20, 1974:
"A total of 83.719
Turkish Cypriots live on the territory of the `Autonomous Turkish Cypriot
administration'. There were 32.039 Turkish Cypriots left in the south.
Approximately 10.000 of them are in the SBA, 4.200 in Limassol and in its
villages, 12.000 in Paphos district, 2.630 in the Larnaca district, and 3.209
in the villages of Nicosia district. It was stated in the same report that
until October 19, 1974, about 12.000 Turkish Cypriots had moved to the
north".
According to the information
given above, there were 71.719 Turkish Cypriots living north and 44.039 Turkish
Cypriots living south of the partition line, making a total of 115.758. This
essentially confirms the estimates published in the Patrick study.
Turkish settlers were first
brought in from Anatolia in October 1974 on the pretext that "they would
work in the hotels and gardens left behind by the Greek Cypriots". But the
real aim of Turkey was to colonize the occupied northern part of the island by
using similar traditional methods, which were implemented by the Turkish
nationalist “Unity and Progress Association” (İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti) and
which ethnically cleansed Anatolia from the Armenians and Greeks, before the
foundation of the Republic of Turkey.
In January 1975, the
families of Turkish military personnel, killed in Cyprus during the war of
1974, were settled in the north. They were granted citizenship by the decision
of the “Council of Ministers” of the Turkish Cypriot Administration and they
were given the houses and the properties of the Greek Cypriots, who were forced
to leave their ancestral homes. This practice was extended further to granting
houses and plots of land to anyone wishing to settle in Cyprus. Thus the first
massive wave of immigration from Turkey was initiated after the signing of a
“Protocol of Agricultural Workforce” in February 1975. A top secret
directive[13] was issued under the title “Directive related with the fulfilment
of the deficit of work force in the Turkish Region of Cyprus, prepared after
the demand of the Cyprus Turkish Federated State”. It was stated there that
even if all the Turkish Cypriots, who used to live in the south of the divide,
would come to the north, there would not be enough workforce. Therefore the
northern part would be populated as soon as possible.[14] To this effect, an
announcement was made through the Directorates of Settlement and Governorships
in 14 provinces of Turkey, including the Black Sea region (Trabzon, Samsun,
Rize); the Aegean region (Manisa and Denizli) and the Mediterranean region
(Antalya, Mersin, Silifke).
A secret document published
with the above Directive revealed that a number of families were settled in the
Turkish occupied part of Cyprus: 81 families from Karakeşli village, 115
families from Silifke and 129 families from Taşkıran village of Trabzon. Other
groups from Adana, Antalya, İçel, Denizli and other provinces were settled in a
similar way.[15]
Those, who were willing to
settle in the Turkish occupied part of the island, were sent to the island
voluntarily. They were mainly from rural areas and they were settled in the
villages, abandoned by the Greek Cypriots. These Turkish settlers were given enough
agricultural land to cultivate and some animals. They were not allowed to leave
their settlements at least for five years. Otherwise all would be taken from
them. Those, who could not get accustomed to the new local conditions returned
to Turkey later, but a great majority stayed. According to the above study by
Kurtuluş and Purkis, 82.500 Turkish settlers were settled in the occupied part
of Cyprus from 1975 to 1979, but 20-25% of them returned to Anatolia.[16]
On June 10, 1976, Zaman
newspaper reported Rauf Denktash's response to those in the north, who
criticized the way the resettlement was being conducted, as follows: "It
was a matter of uprooting and resettling about 80 thousand people. This
magnificent mission was accomplished by human beings, who could make
mistakes". Denktash's statements confirmed that as early as 1976 the
number of Turkish settlers was almost identical with the number of Turkish
Cypriots resettled from the south to the north.
According to an article
published in Zaman newspaper on August 9, 1977, Hakki Atun, “Minister for
Settlement and Rehabilitation” of the "Cyprus Turkish Federated State”,
had declared that 20.934 families, i.e. 83.650 Turkish Cypriots were settled in
the north from 1974 to 1977. As the number of Turkish Cypriots coming from the
south was 44.039, the remaining 39.611 persons must have been settlers
transferred from Turkey.
A complementary provision
was adopted in 1981 to the “Law of Citizenship” opening the way to Turkish
settlers to be granted the citizenship of the separatist Turkish Cypriot
statelet if they reside in the Turkish occupied part of Cyprus permanently for
at least one year, or if they made or could make an important contribution to
the economy or social and cultural life, or if they rendered services to the
security forces.
Turkish Settlers at the End
of 1983
Turcification Policy
In the draft "Second
Five-Year Development Plan" prepared by the State Planning Department and
published in September 1983, it was stated that 91.225 persons were re-settled
from 1974 to 1982 on the territory of the "Cyprus Turkish Federated
State”. As the number of Turkish Cypriot refugees coming from the south was
44.039, the number of Turkish citizens settled in northern Cyprus can be estimated
as 47.186. No official statistics were ever published.
The Turkish Cypriot
population in 1960 was 104.942 and in 1974 it was 115.758. As of 1974, however,
reference to the numbers of the "Turkish Cypriots" also included the
Turkish settlers. It was clear that the number of Turkish settlers was
constantly rising. A census taken on 26.5.1990 to determine the number of
voters before the next general election showed that the "Turkish
Cypriot" population had reached 173.224. Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf
Denktash ultimately revealed why detailed population statistics were never
disclosed: "If we disclose them, they will know who came from where!”[17]
Increasing Crime Rates
The second wave of
immigration of the Turkish settlers was in the 1980’s, especially after the
declaration of the so-called “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” (“TRNC”) in
1983. A “Labour Force Agreement” was signed between governments of the “TRNC”
and Turkey in 1987 and another agreement was signed in 1991, which allowed
their citizens to enter into both states without a passport, but only by
showing their Identity Cards.[18] This time, there was no incentives, but
tolerance for all the good and bad activities.
The new regulation made it
easy for everyone to come to the occupied area and parallel to this the crime
rate increased considerably. This open-door policy was strongly criticized
first by the Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazıl Küçük in his newspaper “Halkın
Sesi” and later by the two opposition parties, the Republican Turkish Party
(CTP) and the Communal Liberation Party (TKP). These political parties were
against the influx of Turkish citizens as illegal labour force from Turkey and
were afraid that their presence will increase and harm the texture of the
Turkish Cypriot community.[19] The first detailed article about the dangers of
increased number of Turkish settlers in Northern Cyprus was published in the
“Söz” (Word) weekly magazine (Issue: 26, April 11, 1986) under the title “Are
we heading to the hegemony of those, who have an education of elementary school
level and below?” In this article, statistical information was given about the
level of education, the number of marriages, the partnership permits granted to
the Turkish citizens and the criminality rate among them.
The same subject of
demographical changes was dealt in further issues of the same magazine. For
example, from 1977 to 1984, a total of 14.915 Turkish citizens were granted
permission to work in “Northern Cyprus”, according to the 1984 Statistical
Yearbook. If each one was considered to represent a family of at least 3
people, this meant 47.745 persons. This was in line with the number of Turkish
citizens, who had been resettled. Even assuming that some of them left and
returned to Turkey, it could be argued that with the most optimistic estimate,
about 40.000 Turkish immigrants were settled in northern Cyprus until 1984.[20]
There was a great turmoil
among the Turkish Cypriots, who entered into a new stage of survival or
extinction, after the influx of the Turkish settlers from the mainland. The
increasing number of Turkish settlers were also granted the citizenship of the
“TRNC” and this was seen as a real threat to the existence of the indigenous
Turkish Cypriots. After all, there were socio-cultural differences between the
native Turkish Cypriots and the Turkish settlers coming from various parts of
Anatolia.[21]
Soon the Turkish settlers
started to form their own political parties and to take part in the general
elections as well. Thus the Turkish settlers became a sensitive issue for the
Turkish Cypriot political parties. Türk Birliği Partisi (TBP, Party of the
Turkish Union) was established in 1982 and Yeni Doğuş Partisi (YDP, New Revival
Party was established in February 1984 by a former military officer, Aytaç
Beşeşler.
These parties were
collaborating with the Turkish embassy in Nicosia and they supported the
nationalist right wing governments and also the colonization policy of the
Turkish Cypriot leadership.
Threats to the Turkish
Cypriot Identity
This policy of Turcification
has been intensified, since the AKP is in power, acquiring an anti-secular
point of view. Turkey has been implementing a new policy to change the secular
traditions of the Turkish Cypriot community and to make them more Moslem by
financing the constant construction of mosques. While in the period from 1974
to 2002 a mere nine mosques were built, since 2002, a total of 39 new mosques
were built. The Turkish Cypriots perceive these Islamization activities with
concern. For example the Trade union of Turkish Cypriot Teachers (KTÖS) issued
a statement criticizing the ongoing Koran courses and new schools for religious
education:
“There are 192 mosques in
the “TRNC”, whereas there are 160 schools, 21 health centers and 17 hospitals. Each
university wants to build a mosque and these plans increased the controversies.
[…] They say that they got permission from the Ministry of Education, but there are Koran courses
ongoing in the mosques, without permission and controls. If the government does
not have the power to control these places, they should resign".
AKP’s anti-secular campaign,
also manifests itself through a constant attempt to enhance non secular
training. In particular, in 2014 out of the 260 imams, who were paid from the budget
of the “Prime Ministry” of the “TRNC”, a mere 13 of them were on permanent
staff- list. Another 120 imams received their salaries from the Turkish Embassy
in Nicosia”.[22]
The influences from mainland
Turkey became more intense through the organs of the mass media, which promote
this policy of Turkification of the occupied part of the island. There are
Turkish students and graduates working in the Turkish Cypriot media organs (30
radio stations, 7 TV channels and 18 newspapers.) The mainland Turkish TV
channels are relayed through a Turkish satellite and can be watched free of
charge. The local Turkish Cypriot TV channels are watched only at a rate of
17%, getting almost no advertisement from the main Turkish companies that
export goods worth 2,3 million dollars every day to the “TRNC”.
In 2015, Turkey exported to
the “TRNC” goods worth of 851 million dollars, whereas the “TRNC” exported to
Turkey goods worth of a mere 62 million dollars! In the period from January to
September 2016, the exported goods from the “TRNC” to Turkey had a total value
of 83.873.287 dollars, whereas the imports from Turkey had a value of
1.026.953.811 dollars.[23]
All the Greek geographical
names were changed into Turkish and the old names are not used anymore. The Turkish
Cypriots were forced by law to get a surname as it is the case in Turkey.
“Mersin 10” was adopted as the postal code of the occupied area of Cyprus as if
“Northern Cyprus” is a province of Mersin-Turkey. The Turkish Lira was used as
means of transactions instead of the Cyprus Pound and the exchange rate was
officially fixed as 1:36 for many years, in spite of the high inflation rate of
the Turkish Lira in those years.
Turkish Cypriots’ Reaction
to the Turkification Policy
Initial Reactions
The awareness of Cypriotism
in the cultural field has led to new studies about the Turkish Cypriot history,
literature, culture and folklore, which became the popular subjects for
research among the Turkish Cypriot elite. From 1974 up to 1996, over 1.500
books on these subjects were published, a striking trend, which went parallel
to the political struggle by the opposition political parties for more
democracy and economic progress. The Turkish Cypriots started to ask the
question “Who are we and what are the differences between us and the Turkish
settlers coming from Turkey?”
The problem of protecting
the original Cypriot identity against the cultural assimilation, which gained
importance from our subject’s point of view, forced the Turkish Cypriot
intellectuals to think of this situation constantly and to take various actions
against it.
Defending the Turkish
Cypriot Identity
Since 1974, the Turkish
Cypriots have been focusing more attention to the struggle of repossessing and
developing their own cultural identity. Initially, discussions in this
direction started under the roof of some political parties. Later activities
included those of cultural associations and personal researches.
The first comprehensive
meeting for the definition of the qualities of the Turkish Cypriot culture took
place in Nicosia from February 1-4, 1983 with the participation of cultural and
artistic organizations and personalities. This meeting was also supported by
the responsible “Minister for the Cultural Affairs”. More than 200 persons
participated at this Advisory Meeting on Culture and Art and 24 papers were
submitted. The activities were carried on in 10 separate commissions on
Language and Literature, History, Music, etc. During this meeting, the Cypriot
culture in general and the Turkish Cypriot culture in particular were discussed
intensively. Only a part of the discussions was published in the Söz daily
newspaper, along with my three articles for these meetings (January 31 to
February 12, 1983).[24]
Right after the advisory
meeting, Halk Sanatları Derneği (Has-Der, The People’s Arts Association)
organized in Nicosia on February 25, 1983 the First Folklore Symposium. This
was one of the first scientific steps forward in the crystallization of the
ethnic-national consciousness of the Turkish Cypriots. All the papers,
submitted to the Folkloric Symposia from 1983 to 1986, were published in a book
by the “TRNC Ministry of Culture and Tourism” in 1986, which was a huge gain.
Other panel discussions and
publications concerning the identity research were later conducted, these
however, reflected the official ideology, adopting chauvinist views, e.g. “The
importance of the identity of the Turks, living in Cyprus, its necessity from
the geographical, historical, national-religious and political point of view”
(December 1990)[25] and a book titled “The Identity of the Turkish Cypriots”
(1990) published by the “Ministry of National Education and Culture”. The
latter made the following assertions:
“We, in other words, the
Turkish Cypriots of today, are not, as the Greek Cypriots allege, the remnants
of the invaders, but the real owners of the island... The Turkish Cypriots are
the oldest people of the island with their history and culture and as a
national people, they are different from the Greek Cypriot people and have all
the rights that the Greek Cypriots have”.[26]
Meanwhile, the Turkish
Cypriots are more willing to stress their cultural differences with Turkish
citizens and settlers. For example, nowadays, they started to use more
frequently the Greek Cypriot or Turkish Cypriot local words as names of the
restaurants that serve local dishes: “Gafgarıt, Galbur, Piron, and Garavolli”.
A lot of villages organize every year festivals (panayır) with the names of
local products (Walnut, Orange, Strawberry, Date etc.) and perform the Cypriot
folkloric dances with local music. Theatre plays are staged with Turkish
Cypriot accent by the folkloric associations. Many webpages and Face-book
groups are established, where Cypriot identity is possessed and
propagated.
The Council of Europe and
the Population in the Occupied Area of Cyprus
The Spanish parliamentarian,
Alfonse Cuco, Rapporteur of the Committee on Migration, Refugees and Demography
of the Council of Europe (CoE), prepared a report on the "Structure of the
Cypriot Communities" dated April 27, 1992 which was discussed by the
Parliamentary Assembly of the CoE. According to this Report, from 1974 to 1990
the population in the areas controlled by the Republic of Cyprus increased by
only 13,70% whereas the increase in the northern part was 48,35%.[27] The same
Report mentions that UN Representative Camilion had informed Cuco that 40-45
thousand Turkish civilians had been transferred to the island.[28]
In 1997, the number of
Turkish settlers and their children living in the occupied area had not been
declared officially. Yet, based on the statistics of outgoing and incoming
passengers, I was able to estimate that the number of the Turkish settlers in
Northern Cyprus about 100.000 persons.[29] The same process was repeated in
2009, resulting into the following estimation: 198.101 Turkish citizens were
staying in the occupied area and 46.546 Turkish Cypriots were staying abroad.
Since then, the immigration statistics are not published anymore in detail.
The First Official Turkish
Cypriot Census
Twenty two years of Continuous
Colonization: The First Official Census
The results of the first
official census conducted by the Turkish Cypriot authorities on December 1996
and evaluated by the State Institute of Statistics in Ankara, were publicized
two years later. According to this data, the de facto population of northern
Cyprus was 200.587 and the de jure population was 188.662.[30]
The difference between the
two was explained by Ahmet Bulunç, Adviser of the State Planning Department,
who stated that on the day of the census 11.925 persons had declared that their
permanent residence was outside the “TRNC”.
The results of the census
were as follows:
Total population 200.587 (100%)
Citizens of the “TRNC” 164.460 (82%)
Born in the “TRNC” 137.398
Born in Turkey 23.924
Born in a 3rd country 3.138
Citizens of Turkey 30.702 (15%)
Citizens of a 3rd
country 5.425 (3%)
The number of Greek Cypriots
living in the north was 384 and the number of Cypriot Maronites was 173.
No data was given about
those, who were citizens of both the “TRNC” and the Republic of Turkey or about
those, whose parents were born in Cyprus. The indigenous Turkish Cypriots were
already a minority in the occupied north in 1996 and their number was estimated
not to exceed 100,000. The numbers of those with double citizenship already
exceeded those of the Turkish Cypriots.[31] The census did not specify the
number of children born in the “TRNC” to Turkish parents. There was no mention
of the approximately 35.000 Turkish soldiers in Cyprus, nor of their
dependents. It is further estimated that in addition there were about 25.000 or
30.000 illegal workers, pushing the total of the de facto population even
higher. According to information provided by sources, who would like their
identity to remain undisclosed, approximately 46.000 people have been granted
“TRNC” citizenship since 1974 and 20-25.000 of those do not live permanently in
the “TRNC”.[32] This number includes famous Turkish politicians, such as Kenan
Akin, who originates from mainland Turkey and was the “TRNC” “Minister of
Agriculture and Forestry”, disclosed that there were 60.000 mainland settlers
in the “TRNC”.[33]
CoE Report on Colonisation
by Turkish settlers of the occupied part of Cyprus
The report of the Committee
on Migration, Refugees and Demography of the CoE (May 2, 2003, Doc 9799),
prepared by Finnish parliamentarian, Jaakko Laakso, informs us that:
“2. It is a well-established
fact that the demographic structure of the island has been continuously
modified since the de facto partition of the island in 1974 as a result of the
deliberate policies of the Turkish Cypriot administration and Turkey. Despite
the lack of consensus on the exact figures, all parties concerned admit that
Turkish nationals have been systematically arriving in the northern part of the
island. According to reliable estimates, their number currently amounts to
115.000. (. . .)
4. In particular, the
Assembly expresses its concern at the continuous outflow of the indigenous
Turkish Cypriot population from the northern part. Their number decreased from
118,000 in 1974 to an estimated 87.600 in 2001. In consequence, the settlers outnumber
the indigenous Turkish Cypriot population in the northern part of the island.
(...)
5. In the light of the
information available, the Assembly cannot accept the claims that the majority
of arriving Turkish nationals are seasonal workers or former inhabitants who
had left the island before 1974. Therefore it condemns the policy of
"naturalization" designed to encourage new arrivals and introduced by
the Turkish Cypriot administration with full support of the Government of
Turkey.
6. The Assembly is convinced
that the presence of the settlers constitutes a process of hidden colonization
and an additional and important obstacle to a peaceful negotiated solution of
the Cyprus problem.
36. The aim of the
Turkish-Cypriot administration's policy towards the settlers has been to
promote their permanent establishment on the island. The settlers are granted
housing, land or other properties on special terms. They are issued with a
"concession certificate" which they are not entitled to sell or pass
to a third party until a period of 20 years has elapsed.
37. The most important
measure for the settlers has been the possibility of acquiring Turkish-Cypriot
nationality. In 1975, the Turkish-Cypriot administration passed Act No. 3/1975,
under which nationality could be given to anyone who requested it and, in
particular, to members of the Turkish armed forces who had served in Cyprus and
their families.
38. In 1981, complementary
provisions were established according to which Turkish-Cypriot nationality can
be granted to persons permanently resident in the northern part for at least
one year, those who made or could make an important contribution to the
economy, or social and culture life, and those who have rendered services to
the security forces.
39. Along with citizenship,
the settlers get a whole series of political rights including the right to vote
and set up political parties”.
III. ADDITIONAL CHANGES IN THE STRUCTURE AND
IDENTITY OF THE TURKISH CYPRIOT COMMUNITY
Citizenships Granted to
Settlers: No Official Number
Although there is no
reliable official number of the citizenships granted to the Anatolian settlers,
a member of the “Parliament”, Arif Albayrak (CTP), disclosed in 2003 that the
number of citizenships granted from 1974 to 2003 was a total of 53.904.
Birlik newspaper gave the
following details of the citizenships, granted after 1994 (numbering 17.293) by
the “cabinet” decision: 3.675; by the approval of the “Ministry of Interior”:
7.272; third generation: 2.246; by matrimony: 1.971; citizens of a third
country: 1.142; Bulgarian Turks: 987.
The CTP was very critical of
this practice, when they were in the opposition, but granting of “TRNC”
citizenship to the Turkish settlers continued during the period of the CTP
governments (2013-2016) as well. 796 people were made citizens by the decision
of the “cabinet” of the “TRNC”. (A total 3.916 persons, including the natural
routes.)
During the period of UBP-DP
coalition governments (2016-2017), 7.200 citizens of Turkey were granted the
citizenship of the “TRNC”. If each person is multiplied by 4 (wife and at least
2 children), this number makes 28 thousand new citizens.
According to the “Ministry
of National Education and Culture” of the “TRNC”, the percentage of the pupils,
who originate from Turkey and study at the schools in the occupied area, is
26%. The mother tongue of 4,3% of them is not Turkish.
Since the population in the
occupied area is rapidly increasing every year, the number of schools, teachers
and classes has become insufficient. There are 113 “state” primary schools and
19 lyceums. In the 2016-2017 educational year the number of pupils in each
class reached to 45 and the excessive number of students in the classes made
the teachers, not to show enough interest in each student.
The Turkish Cypriot
secondary school teachers’ trade union (KTOEÖS) proposed that new lyceums
should be built in each of the cities Nicosia, Famagusta and Kyrenia. The
Turkish Cypriot primary school teachers’ trade union (KTÖS) argued that three
new primary schools are needed in Famagusta, one in Nicosia, two in Kyrenia and
one in Karpasia. The KTÖS said there are 160 schools compared to 192 mosques in
the northern part of Cyprus, complaining that more money was being poured in
religious affairs at the expense of education. The union issued a statement
after learning that the authorities were preparing to shut down two elementary
schools, one in the Famagusta area and the other in Morphou area. KTÖS
criticized the proposed amendment to the legislation on the religious affairs
department, which will open the way for Koran courses for children and increase
the budget of the department that will allow more recruitment from Turkey. This
amendment had the support of the “Minister of Education and Culture”, Berova,
who at the same time claimed there was no money for teachers or building new
classrooms.
Further Transformation in
the Demographical Character in the Occupied Area
The economic situation in
the “TRNC” was very bad after the bankruptcy of some of the local banks in
1999. A third wave of Turkish settlers and workers came after the voting of the
Annan Plan in 2004, which opened the way for the plunder of the Greek Cypriot
lands through an unpresented construction boom. The economy of the “TRNC”
developed 50% from 2002 to 2007, but after the global crisis the economic
activity diminished. The economic grow from 2008 to 2016 was approximately
1,3%.[34]
Many construction workers
arrived at the “TRNC” in order to find a job and later some of them brought
their families as well. This caused also a shortage in the infrastructure of
the cities. Recently, the union of Turkish Cypriot Constructors announced that
the annual need for housing in the “TRNC” is about 800 units, but in the last
three years, more than 6.500 housing units were built.[35]
Growing Number of University
Students
Parallel to the influx of
Turkish settlers, there is another channel of sending Turkish Citizens to the
occupied area of Cyprus. After 1974, there was only one institution of higher
education, “The Institute of High Technology”, which was turned into “Eastern
Mediterranean University” in 1988. This university in Famagusta had only 2.279
students (1.112 from Turkey, 719 from the “TRNC” and 438 from third countries)
in the first academic year.
After 29 years, there are
now 14 universities in the “TRNC”, with a total of 93.292 students (52.135 from
Turkey, 27.538 from third countries and 13.619 from the “TRNC”). 18 more
universities have received their licences and they will be functioning in the
coming years. But those, who have more students (87.099) are the old ones,
established by the Turkish Cypriot Foundations or private persons: Eastern
Mediterranean University (1988-Educational Foundation), Near East University
(1988-Private), Lefke American University (1990-Foundation), Girne American
University (1985-Private), and International Cyprus University (1997-Private).
According to the State
Planning Department of the “TRNC”, the total revenue coming from the
universities was in 2013, 535,6 million dollars, in 2014, 589,8 million dollars
and in 2015 636,2 million dollars. This amount makes almost half of the budget
revenues of the “TRNC”.[36]
Hüseyin Angolemli, a member
of the “Parliament” from the TDP (Communal Democracy Party), stated that the
foreign workers are brought to the country with student status, since there is
no infrastructure of the universities and that these people do not go to the
school, but work as cheap labour force. Even the bar-girls are brought from
abroad with student status.[37]
Havadis newspaper reported
that almost 20.000 students do not go to the classes and prefer to work in the
construction sites, restaurants and cafes for a daily wage of 35-40 TL. There
are others, who practice prostitution.[38] There are also commissioners, who
get 500 dollars from each student and 500 dollars from the university.[39]
The Report of the Higher
Studies Workshop, organized by the YÖDAK (Organization for the Higher Education
and Accreditation) stressed that the higher education institutions have
increased the number of their students, but they could not be institutionalized
according to the universal standards for universities and that the quality of
education is not good. YÖDAK does not have an authority to enforce anything.
The state policy gives importance only for growth in quantity, but not in
quality. Politics is interfering the affairs of the universities. There is a
destructive and unjust competition among the universities and ethical rules do
not function. The salaries and wages are low, the standards of admission
requirements are low and not strict. There is possibility to work with a
student visa and there are also chances for scholarships.[40]
Apart from the scholarships
given by the universities themselves, the Ministry of Youth and Sports of
Turkey gives educational credits to 22.517 university students and 405
scholarships for the “TRNC” through its Institution for Higher Education,
Credits and Dormitories. There are three dormitories serving the university
students from Turkey: Bülent Ecevit Dormitory (built in 2011, with 962 bed
capacity), Necmeddin Erbakan Dormitory (built in 2013 with 769 bed capacity)
and Teacher Refika Dormitory (built in 2016 with 1.000 bed capacity, but only
for female students).[41]
On the other hand, Turkey is also active to
give religious education especially for the settlers’ children and other young
people, who are sent with scholarships from Turkey to the “TRNC”:
“At the moment there are 600
students at the two theological faculties, one at the Near East University
(YDU) and the other one at the University of Social Sciences [Sosyal Bilimler
Üniversitesi], while another 800 pupils attend the Theological Colleges. Almost
all of the students and teenage pupils are from Turkey who came to the occupied
areas with scholarships while a small number are the children of the Anatolian settlers;
the teachers are all coming from Turkey. The newly established Hala Sultan
Theological College is part of the big complex with a boarding house, a large
mosque, conference rooms and shops that will cost 80 million dollars. The Hala
Sultan Mosque with its four tall minarets – a small replica of the Selimiye
Mosque in Edirne – will be ready by 2017 at a total cost of 30 million dollars.
Another large mosque with six minarets is being constructed at the Near East
University and is expected to be completed by 2017”.[42]
India issued a manifesto
calling the students and their parents not to go to the “TRNC” universities.
The government of Nigeria started to follow these universities more closely on
the ground that the “TRNC” could become a country of crimes, since it is not
under the control of the Interpol.[43]
The CEO of the American
University of Kyrenia (GAÜ), Asım Vehbi made the following assessment about the
universities in the “TRNC” to the columnist Sait Gürsoy:
“There are about 300.000 people
living in the “TRNC” now. Today, over 75.000 students from 120 different
countries and academics from 50 different countries are in the “TRNC” at an
important point in the context of internationalization. Universities continue
their strategic sector position by directly contributing to the “TRNC” economy.
The budget of the “TRNC” is 4 billion TL. The contribution of the universities
to the economy is 3,1 billion TL. In the “TRNC”, where there is 1 student for
every 5 persons, the contribution made to the economy has reached very large
numbers. If we think that 71 percent of contributions go directly to the
public, we can say that the “TRNC” is rapidly advancing towards being an
educational island”.[44]
Social Problems Created by
Increased Population
Implications
On the other hand, there are
many disadvantages of having so many students, settlers, workers and so-called
tourists, coming to the occupied area of Cyprus without any control. Every day
the mass media is full of reports about the increasing number of theft,
prostitution, rape, murder, wounding, drug offences. The great majority of the
convicted persons are Turkish citizens.
From January 2006 to
December 2016, a total of 5.818 cases were filed in the Supreme Criminal Court.
Their breakdown is as follows: 19 murders, 525 attempted murder, assault with
grave injuries, 508 cases of using weapons, explosives and knife, violence and
threat and 2.157 drug offences. 2016 was a record breaking year.[45]
In 2016, 20.491 legal cases
were filed and 13.730 of them were about money lending without payments.[46]
According to the Nicosia
Police Directorate, 1.026 crimes were committed in the district of Nicosia over
a period of nine months. 732 crime files were sent to the court. 562 criminal
files were demanding for more than three years’ imprisonment, 464 files of
misdemeanour for up to 3 years' imprisonment.[47]
Turkish Foreign Minister,
Mevlut Çavuşoğlu announced lately that there were 5.531 Turkish citizens
sitting in the prisons of 147 countries and 218 of them were in the “TRNC”.[48]
According to the legislation in force, if a Turkish citizen is convicted to an
imprisonment at the courts of the “TRNC” and later s/he is sent to Turkey, the
person can be free after staying in prison less than the half of the time of
the “TRNC”, i.e. 8 years imprisonment in the “TRNC” means 3 years imprisonment
in Turkey.[49] The central prison in Nicosia is not sufficient and there are
440 convicts living in the dormitories with a capacity of 175 persons.[50]
Teenager crime rate is also
high among the settlers’ children. According to the Activities Report of the
Supreme Court Secretariat for 2010-2015, 553 children were convicted in a total
of 511 cases. It is noteworthy that children under 16 years of age are taking part
in an increasing number of crimes. The highest incident rate was in 2012 with
burglaries, murder attempt, murder, assault, wounding, keeping guns and
explosives.[51] From 2005 to 2016, 1.373 children, aged less than 16 years old,
were convicted. They were involved mainly in theft incidents.[52]
Casinos
The Chairman of Casino
Managers union, Ahmet Arkın, announced on August 20, 2015 in a press conference
that there are 28 casinos in the “TRNC”. These provided 600 million dollars
annually as input to the economy and that the industry needed more interest and
legal support, so that it could continue to work and develop in the desired
conditions.
There are a total of 5 bet
companies operating legally in the “TRNC” and 48 bet offices. The state gets 1
million Euros from each company with up to 10 branches and these bet offices
are taxed with millions of Turkish liras. There are 25 illegal gambling and
illegal betting websites detected by the police.[53]
Night Clubs
According to the US Report
on Women-trafficking, there were a total of 334 women working as “consomatris”
(artistes) in the 35 night clubs in the “TRNC” (2016). Most of these
sex-workers were from Moldovia (128), Ukraine (53), Morocco (30), Belorussia
(26), Russia (25), Kazakhstan (17), Kenya (14) and other countries. These night
clubs provide 20-30 million TL to the state budget annually. From 1997 to 2002,
3,927 sex-workers had worked in the “TRNC”.[54]
Although routine health
checks are conducted at the State Hospitals, according to statutory legislation
for women working in nightclubs, there are increasing number of sexually
transmitted diseases. While prostitution is forbidden by law, soldiers and
students are not allowed to enter the nightclubs for the purpose of this
service. Some years ago, “peace operations” were organized in order to control
the night clubs and men, who were bargaining with women, working as
"artistes" in nightclubs, were also being detained on the pretext of
"prostitution." Tens of people were taken into custody on the grounds
that it was a "mafia" structure. The media covered the problems
caused by the night clubs, while Ertuğrul Hasipoğlu the Health “Minister” was
against the closure of these night clubs. He reminded the opinion of an
ex-“Minister”, who said: “If I close the night clubs for 40.000 soldiers and
40.000 students, will they not handle us?” The use of such a sentence had
disturbed the military and one university rector issued an angry announcement
to the “Minister”.[55]
Sex tourism combined with
gambling in the casinos and entertainment with pop stars, who come from Turkey
every weekend to perform at the 5 star hotels with casinos, is very popular
with the Turkish tourists.
According to the “Annual
Activity Report of the Courts” in the occupied area of the Republic of Cyprus,
131 cases of rape or sexual assaults went to trial at the “Supreme Criminal
Court” within the last ten years. However, the paper reports that it has been a
serious increase of this crime in the last 3-4 years: 2013 (7 cases), 2014 (15
cases), 2015 (21 cases), 2016 (29 cases).[56]
Results of the Last Official
Census in the “TRNC”
According to the 2011
Population and Housing Census, there were 286.257 permanent residents (de-jure)
in the “TRNC”, excluding the Turkish Army personnel. Out of this population,
150.483 (52,6%) were male and 135.774 (47,4%) were female. It was announced by
the “Undersecretary of State Planning Department” Ali Korhan that the number of
Cyprus-born (north or south) people living in the “TRNC” was 160.207. The
number of people born in Turkey, who were permanently residing in the “TRNC”,
was 104.641.
The total number of Turkish
Cypriot citizens, who declared that they had single or double citizenships
amounted to 190.494 (66,5% of the resident population). Of the total, 136.362
persons (71,6%) had only “TRNC” citizenship and 38.085 (20%) had double (“TRNC”
and Turkish) citizenship.
Since this last census,
there have been many births, deaths and many people left or arrived at the
country and no one knows the real number of the population today in the Turkish
occupied northern part of the island.
The total population in 2013
in “Northern Cyprus” was 301.988 according to the Economic and Social
Indicators 2014, published by State Planning Department of Northern Cyprus in
December 2015.
Growing Number of Population
and Voters in the “TRNC”
When the first general
elections were held in the occupied area on June 20, 1976, the number of voters
was 75.724, out of a population of 130.136. During the general elections of
December 6, 1998, the number of voters grew up to 120.758, out of a population
of 188.662. The last official number of voters was announced in 2017 as 180.949
by the Supreme Electoral Council.
Unfortunately there is no
official number disclosed for the population, living in the occupied area of
Cyprus under the so-called “TRNC”, which is only recognized by Turkey. The
“TRNC” State Planning Department made an estimate based on the population of
294.600 in 2011 and gave the number as 342.587 persons for 2016. On the other
hand, there are active mobile telephones in the “TRNC” two times more than this
number.
Meanwhile, the same
Department estimated that the non-institutional civil population was 245.828 in
2016 and the number of work-force was 118.387.
This number does not include those, who go to school and are below 15
years of age and those in the private hospitals, pensioner homes, army barracks
and prisons.
The Turkish settlers and the
Turkish university students living in the occupied area participated lately in
some Turkish electoral processes and their registered number was announced
officially by the Turkish Embassy in Nicosia. During the general election of
May 15, 2015 in Turkey, there were 91.588 Turkish citizens, who were eligible
to vote and living in the “TRNC”.
This number rose to 95.366
during the general election of November 1, 2016. For the last referendum of
“Constitutional Amendments” in Turkey, on April 15, 2017 there were 104.509
Turkish citizens living in the “TRNC” and had the right to vote at the Turkish
“Embassy” in Nicosia.[57]
Recent Involvement in the
Internal Affairs of the Turkish Cypriots by Turkey
On June 18, 2014, an
agreement was signed between Turkey and the “TRNC”, which provided for the
opening of an “Overseas Coordination Office” by the Turkish Ministry of Youth
and Sports in the “TRNC”. This office would manage all projects and programs
related to sports, such as the renovation of sporting facilities, organization
of sports camps, as well as the management and allocation of student housing
facilities throughout the “TRNC” with its annual budget of 13 million Turkish
Lira. However, the majority of the
Turkish Cypriot youth organizations rejected this deal by establishing the “We
reject Platform” (Reddediyoruz). They believed that this agreement had a hidden
Islamic agenda and it caused debates over “the sovereignty of the TRNC” and
Turkey’s position as a guarantor state.
Specifically, the deal
refers to an internal protocol signed on February 25, 2015, between the Turkish
Ministry of Youth and Sports and the Turkish Directorate of Religious Affairs.
And herein lies the crux of the problem according to the “We reject Platform”,
the youth movement stimulated by this controversial deal.
The protocol of the deal
ascribes various responsibilities and services to both state bodies and
attributes all sports, youth activities and institutions (such as sports
facilities and camps, student dormitories, etc.) as directly related to young
people’s moral and spiritual development.
Zeki Çeler, a spokesperson
from the youth movement fighting this deal, explained that any religious event
or activity, such as “Holy Birth Week” or “Koran” recitation courses, would be
in coordination with sports-related events and activities. The times of sports
education will be coordinated with the daily prayer times, there will be
specific courses that teach how to perform the namaz or “Koran” reading. It is
basically for the youth to adopt certain moral and religious norms and values
and this will be executed through direct collaboration between the Turkish
Ministry and the local religious representatives. The idea is to spread
religion into sports, youth centers and programs.”
Çeler also criticized the
lack of consultation with either the “TRNC” government or local researchers and
community needs. “The deal has clauses that give diplomatic rights, privileges
to the assigned officials. It completely transfers the fate of young people to
the hands of this office”, he added.
The Agreement Regarding the
Establishment and Activities of an Overseas Coordination Office of Youth and
Sports Ministry Between the Governments of Republic of Turkey and the “Turkish
Republic of Northern Cyprus” (Ratification) Law was enacted on June 13, 2016
and was sent to the “Office of the President” on June 14, 2016 to be
promulgated in the Official Gazette and entered into force.
The Platform took to the
streets again in mid-June, when the deal was to be voted on in “Parliament”.
The wave of protests grew rapidly and lasted for several days. Meanwhile, under
pressure from this growing protest movement, “President” Mustafa Akıncı
referred the said Law to the “Constitutional Court”.
On August 3, over a thousand
Turkish Cypriot protesters took to streets of Nicosia once again in order to
march against increasing Turkish state control over the future social and
cultural lives of Turkish Cypriot youth.
On August 5, 2016, the
“TRNC” Constitutional Court decided that article 3 (1) (G) of the agreement
contravened the constitution, while all the other articles did not. It was a
victorious moment for all social movements, which saw this agreement as a
threat that failed to recognize the “TRNC”s so-called sovereignty and the
socio-cultural structure of the Turkish Cypriot community.
Article 3 (1) (G) provided
that the office will ensure the construction, operation, repair and maintenance
of the campuses, which operate or will operate in the “TRNC” by the General
Directorate for Credit and Dormitories and the modernisation of all existing
campuses and that it will implement the protocol, which was signed on February
10, 2012 with the “TRNC”s competent ministry and was put to effect upon
approval by the “cabinets” of both countries. It also provided for the
preparation of additional protocols, if necessary. The people rejected the deal
so emphatically that many have begun to associate the resistance as a more
general rejection of Turkish involvement in the “TRNC”s domestic affairs. In
fact, Turkish Cypriot politics heavily centre around the question of Turkey
remaining on the island as a guarantor state or not. Following the Court’s
decision, the “We reject Platform” won what they set out to achieve:
“President” Akıncı sent the deal back to the “Parliament” along with the Court
verdict. The “Parliament” approved the agreement with a small amendment.
The “education secretary” of
the Turkish Cypriot Teacher’s trade union (KTOS), Burak Mavis issued a written
statement in June 2017 and condemned the “amendment law for the religious
affairs department”, which was discussed recently in the assembly and stated
that “they would not accept the religion to become a political instrument,
neither the education to become a religious instrument”.
Pointing out that in the
last 15 years the Turkish Cypriot community had no chance to recover from the
reactionary facilities, which derive from the secular life model, Mavis
recalled that they will continue their struggle against those, who are exerting
efforts to put religious pressure on the community. “The religious communities,
the religious movements and the associations with enormous economic activities
make propaganda”, Mavis said, adding that they violate “people’s personal
lives”.
In short, Turkey’s military,
economic and political presence has already changed the demographical structure
in the occupied area of Cyprus and turned the Turkish Cypriots into a minority
in their own home country. In the near future, the Turkish settlers can be
represented in the so-called “Assembly of the TRNC”, according to the ratio
they reached in the population, as Erdoğan envisaged during his first visit to
the occupied area.
Latest Data 2015-2017
As of December 2015, the
number of workers, who had consecutive work permits in the “TRNC” was 20.762.
While at least 12 consecutive work permits were required to get citizenship
during the CTP government, now Turkey demands that those Turkish individuals,
who have at least six consecutive work permits, should be granted citizenship.
There are at the moment 8.627 persons, who have at least 6 consecutive work
permits. If these Turkish citizens would be granted citizenship, they will be
with their spouses and children 34.500 persons. The “Deputy Prime Minister and
Finance Minister”, Serdar Denktaş said: "During the UBP-DP government, we
gave 7.200 citizenships. But if this number should be 27.000 (as Erdoğan
demanded), we shall be granting further citizenships".
According to the official
numbers announced by the “Ministry of Labour and Social Security of the TRNC”,
there were 12.500 registered unemployed persons and 42.000 registered foreign
work-force. Most of them were not qualified workers. There were 92.976 socially
insured workers and the number of retired persons from the “Social Insurance
Department” increased in one year by 1.300 persons. There were approximately
34.500 pensioners.
The National Unity
Party-Democratic Party (UBP-DP) coalition government announced on June 14, 2017
the number of the persons, who had been granted the citizenship of the “TRNC”
from April 2016 to March 2017 as 4.603 persons. The statement noted that 372 of
these persons became citizens with a decision of the “cabinet” and 1.904 with
the approval of the “Ministry of Interior”.
IV. CONCLUDING REMARKS/
EPILOGUE
Since 1974, due to the
constant occupation of the northern part of Cyprus by the Turkish army and the
massive colonization by the Turkish settlers, the Turkish Cypriot community
faces serious problems. Despite the Turkish
efforts, not to allow official and clear information about this issue, this
paper provided extensive evidence by recording the settlers’ actual numbers and
by developing their main typologies, such as workers, families of Turkish
military personnel and students.
The demographic changes
caused by this enormous transfer of settlers turned the Turkish Cypriot
community into a minority, in the northern part of Cyprus. To make matters
worse, the rate, with which these demographic changes occur, indicates that the
Turkish Cypriot community will be facing an existential threat.
These demographic changes
have severe social implications: increase of the criminality rates, drug abuse
and sex tourism. Furthermore, this continuous colonization process has been
going hand in hand with a Turkification policy, whose features have been
endangering the Turkish Cypriot culture. Crucial aspects of this Turkification
process were recorded, such as the control of the media by Turkey, the
increasing religious propaganda and the attempts to diminish Turkish Cypriot’s
secularism. In this context, the attempts of the Turkish Cypriots to react to
Turkey’s involvement in their internal affairs came mainly from intellectuals
and the teachers’ unions who strived to prevent cultural assimilation.
The recent Turkish general
elections (June 2018) along with the Constitutional Referendum (April 2017)
enabled Erdoğan to maximize his political control over Turkey. As the
deterioration of the Turkish economy intensifies, there will be serious
consequences in both Turkey and the Turkish Cypriot community. Given the
asymmetrical nature of the relation between Turkey and the Turkish Cypriot
community, these latest developments are expected to enable Turkey to intensify
its control over the latter.
[1] Ahmet Djavit An, Origins
of Turkish Cypriots, Cyprus Today, Vol.XLVI, No.2, April-June 2008.
[2] Theodoros Papadopoulos,
The very last transfer to Moslem of the Rural Population in Cyprus, Cyprus
Today, July-December 1967 and January-March 1968.
[3] Roland L. N. Mitchell, A
Muslim-Christian Sect in Cyprus, The Nineteenth Century and After, Vol.LXIII,
Jan.-June 1908, 751-762.
[4] Theodore Papadopoulos,
Social and Historical Data on Population (1570-1881), Nicosia 1965, 78-79.
[5] Ahmet An, Kıbrıs’ta
Türkçe Basılmış Kitaplar Listesi (The List of the Turkish Books Printed in
Cyprus), Ankara 1997, 3-4.
[6] The role of the mainland
Greek and Turkish nationalism as an external factor, the formation and the
consolidation of the Turkish Cypriot leadership during the process starting
from the beginning of the 1900’s as a Muslim community and turning into a Turkish
community in the 1950’s, are dealt extensively in my book “Kıbrıs Türk
Liderliğinin Oluşması: Dinsel Toplumdan Ulusal Topluma Geçiş Süreci
(1900-1942)” (The Formation of the Turkish-Cypriot Leadership-The Process of
Making a National Community out of a Religious Community (1900-1942), published
in Nicosia in 1997.
[7] Quoted in Ahmet An,
“Kıbrıslılık Bilincinin Geliştirilmesi” (The Development of Cypriot Awareness),
Lefkoşa 1998, 43.
[8] Mustafa Mithat Bey, who
wrote “Muhtasar Kıbrıs Tarihi” (The Concise History of Cyprus) (1926), had
published in 1930 a 73-paged book “Muhtasar Kıbrıs Coğrafyası ve Muhtasar
Kıbrıs Tarihi” (A Short Geography and A Short History of Cyprus for the
Schools) in Turkish together with the geography teacher, İbrahim Hakkı Bey,
published in Birlik Printing House in Nicosia.
[9] Söz newspaper, 18
October 1938.
[10] See the article “40 Yıl
Öncesi Düşün Yaşamımızdan Örnekler” (Examples from the Turkish-Cypriot Thought
in the Journals of the 1940's), in the book by Ahmet An, “Kıbrıs Türk Kültürü
Üzerine Yazılar” (Articles on Turkish Cypriot Culture), Nicosia 1999, 91-122.
[11] Census of Population
and Agriculture 1960, Government Printing Office, Nicosia, 1962.
[12] Ahmet An, Kıbrıs’ta
Türkçe Basılmış Kitaplar Listesi (The List of the Turkish Books Printed in
Cyprus), Ankara 1997.
[13] This directive was
dated May 2, 1975 and bore number 97. A mere fifty copies were printed.
[14] Mehmet Ali Birand,
Diyet, İstanbul 1979, 85 & 92.
[15] The details of this
settlement were recorded by two Turkish scholars, Hatice Kurtuluş and Semra
Purkis, who focused on the economic, social and spatial integration problems of
the Turkish settlers in Northern Cyprus. Their findings were published in 2010
in a book edited by Besime Şen – Ali Ekber Doğan, “Tarih, Sınıflar ve Kent”
(History, Classes and City), Dipnot Yayınları, İstanbul 2010, 465-506.
[16] Mehmet Ali Birand,
ibid, 60.
[17] Yeni Düzen newspaper 23
July 1993.
[18] “TRNC” Official
Gazette, 30 July 1991, Issue No: 20945.
[19] Yeni Düzen and Halkın
Sesi newspapers, 31 July 1991.
[20] Söz weekly magazine,
Nicosia, No.55 and 56, 31 October 1986 and 7 November 1986.
[21] See “Kuzey Kıbrıs’ta
Türkiyeli Göçmenlerin Kültür Farklılığı” (Cultural differences of the Turkish
settlers in Northern Cyprus), “Kıbrıs’ta Sosyalist Gerçek” (Socialist Truth in
Cyprus) journal, Nicosia, No. 77 (Special issue), August 2002.
[22] I have dealt with this
subject in my article under the title “The Development of Turkish Cypriot
Secularism and Turkish Cypriot Religious Affairs”, published in “Eastern
Mediterranean Policy Note, No. 8, 10 July 2016, Cyprus Center for European and
International Affairs, University of Nicosia. For more on the “Written
Evidence” regarding the number of the Turkish Cypriots who remain in Cyprus and
the role of Turkey see:
http://myislandcyprus.blogspot.com.cy/2015/04/additional-material-to-written-evidence.html
[23] Havadis newspaper, 8
February 2017.
[24]These were: 1. The
Origins of Cypriot culture from historical and ethnological point of view, 2.
Changes in the ethnic and cultural structure of Cyprus after 1571, 3. Cultural
and folkloric interactions between the two main ethnic-national communities
living in Cyprus.
[25] Summaries of the
contributions were published in Halkın Sesi newspaper, 26 December 1990.
[26] Ali Nesim, ibid, 13.
[27] Draft Recommendation,
Paragraphs 2 and 3
[28] Cuco Report, 27 April
1992, Doc. 6589, Paragraph 85
[29] Ahmet An, "Kıbrıs
nereye gidiyor?" (Quo Vadis Cyprus?), İstanbul 2002, 324
[30] Yeni Düzen newspaper,
28 November 1997
[31] Ahmet An,
"Kıbrıs’a Taşınan Türkiyeli Nüfusun Durumu” (The Status of the Mainland
Turkish Population Transferred to Cyprus), Afrika newspaper, 3, 4, and 5
September 2003.
[32] Avrupa newspaper, 31
January 1998.
[33] Avrupa newspaper, 6
June 1998.
[34] Necdet Ergün, Kıbrıs
Postası newspaper, 26 January 2017.
[35] Kıbrıs newspaper, 28
January 2017.
[36] Havadis newspaper, 21
November 2016.
[37] Kıbrıs newspaper, 25
April 2017.
[38] Havadis newspaper, 10
April 2017.
[39] Kıbrıs newspaper, 4
April 2017.
[40] Kıbrıs newspaper, 24
November 2016.
[41] Kıbrıs newspaper, 10
February 2017.
[42] Ahmet Djavit An,
Eastern Mediterranean Policy Note, No. 8, 10 July 2016,Cyprus Center for
European and International Affairs, University of Nicosia.
[43] Kıbrıs Postası
newspaper, 2 November 2016.
[44] Sabah newspaper (İstanbul),
10 June 2015.
[45] Kıbrıs newspaper, 19
April 2017.
[46] Havadis newspaper, 24
April 2017.
[47] Kıbrıs newspaper, 27
September 2016.
[48] Kıbrıs newspaper, 7
March 2017.
[49] Advocate Barış Mamalı,
Kıbrıs newspaper, 25 April 2017.
[50] Kıbrıs newspaper, 25
August 2016.
[51] Kıbrıs newspaper, 23
January 2017.
[52] Kıbrıs newspaper, 22
April 2017.
[53] Havadis newspaper, 9
March 2017.
[54] Kıbrıs newspaper, 27
November 2016.
[55] Milliyet newspaper
(İstanbul), 18 March 2013.
[56] Yeni Bakış newspaper, 2
June 2017.
[57] Yeni Düzen newspaper, 9
April 2017.
