Sunday, August 31, 2014

THE BRITISH RULE IN TURKISH CYPRIOT TEXTBOOKS AND TURKISH CYPRIOT TEXTBOOKS IN CYPRUS


The British rule in Cyprus started on 12th July 1878 with the raising of the Union Jack, instead of the Ottoman flag, when the British admiral Lord John Hay took over the administration of the island from the last Ottoman “mutasarruf” Besim Pasha. The first British High Commissioner, Sir Garnet Wolseley landed at Larnaca on 22nd July 1878 and a new period in the history of this Mediterranean island began. (1)
Until the British came to Cyprus, there was no printing house. The first printing house was established in Larnaca right after the arrival of the British by Henry S. King and Co., which published on 29th August 1878 the first newspaper in Cyprus. This weekly newspaper was called “Cyprus/Kypros” and the first two pages were in English and the other two pages in Greek. According to Claude Delaval Cobham’s bibliography, the first book published in Cyprus was “İstoria hronologiki dis nisu” (Chronological History of the Island) by Archimandrite Kyprianos. This book was first printed in 1788 in Venice and its second print was made in Larnaca in 1880. (2) The first book printed in English in Cyprus was in 1885. “Cyprus Guide and Directory” was its title and it was printed in Limassol. (3) The first Turkish book published in Cyprus with Arabic letters, was “Müsameretname” (Tales for the evening entertainment). It was printed by the Ottoman Club in Nicosia, which founded also the first Turkish Cypriot printing house for the “Zaman” newspaper. Zaman was the second newspaper published on 25th December 1891, following “Saded”, the first ever newspaper in Turkish language in Cyprus, which was published weekly from 11th July to 14th November 1889, only 16 numbers. (4)

British scholar C. F. Beckingham, who made one of the first scientific studies on Turkish Cypriots, writes that until December 1892, there was no Turkish book printed in Cyprus according to the records and the number of them could not reach 40 in the year 1914. (5)
When the British came to Cyprus in 1878, the Turkish Cypriots had three types of school. These were Sibyans, Roushties and Medreses and their administration was in the hands of the Evkaf (a religious trust institution). According to a report by Mr. M.Sager on Evqaf Properties, dated 1883, the number of these schools was about 70, consisting of 22 in Nicosia, 8 in Larnaca, 5 in Limassol, 16 in Paphos, 13 in Famagusta and 6 in Kyrenia. There were 114 teachers employed in all these schools. 47 of them were being employed by the Ottoman Government, 47 of them by Evqaf and the other 20 were being paid by the people of the village, where they served. (6)

At the Sibyan School the subjects taught were the Alphabet, Hand-writing, Reading, the Koran and Arithmetic. Children started going to the Cyprus Sibyan Schools, when they were 4 years, 4 months and 4 days old. Because the teacher instructed each child individually, the admittance of children throughout the year constituted no problem. Although the normal period of instruction lasted for four years, those, who wished to attend the school beyond this period of instruction, could stay on until they were ten. At the end of this period of instruction, the well-to-do families sent their children to the medrese, whilst the poor and those, who wanted to discontinue, entered an apprenticeship in crafts or commerce. (7) In the medrese of preparatory and secondary school level, subjects such as Arithmetic, Cosmography, Grammar, Syntax, Geometry, Moslem Philosophy, Logic and Discussion were taught… The Roushties were the establishments, which provided education in the modern sense with the “class” system. Although religious teaching and Arabic continued, greater importance was attached to subjects such as Natural Sciences, Algebra and Turkish. (8)
When the administration of the island was taken over by the British in 1878, a change was made in the status of the Evqaf and its administration was henceforth carried on by the two Delegates of the Evqaf, one of them being Turkish and the other English. Education was controlled by the Evqaf and since the Evqaf directed the Education, the British began to have a say in Turkish Cypriot Education from the very start. Their first course of action was to set up the “Moslem Board of Education” in 1884. This Board consisted of nine leading citizens of the time, headed by the Qadi (The Judge) and the Mufti (Religious Head). It undertook the administration of all the Turkish schools in the Island… One of the most important deeds of the Education Board was the decision to open “The Idadi”, a five-year institution, the equivalent of the present Lyceums, on the 14th November 1896. (9)

In 1880, at the request of the British High Commissioner in Cyprus, an inspection of a number of schools in the island was undertaken, which led to the discovery of many grave defects, although the children were reported as intelligent and quick to learn. The result of these inquiries was the appointment in 1880 of an English Director of Education. The Secretary of State, Lord Kimberley, was unable to agree with the High Commissioner’s views as to the prominence to be given to English teaching, the making of it the vehicle of education or “placing it as a language for general use in any way on level with the two ancient languages of the island.” (10)
That assessment explains why the British necessarily kept the Christian and Moslem schools quite distinct. With the introduction of the Education Law of 1895, there were two separate boards of Education, one Christian and the other Moslem. This decision had its implications until today.

The first elected Moslem Board of Education in Nicosia met on 29th March 1884 and one of the decisions taken by this Board was to supply the textbooks and the other teaching material for the Turkish Cypriot schools from Istanbul, Turkey. (11) The same Board, elected for the years of 1896 to 1898, decided the teaching of the Greek language in the Rushtie. (12)

In 1895, we see the publication of “Kıbrıs Tarihi” (The History of Cyprus) by Ziver Bey in a Nicosia Printing House. This 100 paged-book is the first Ottoman history book on the history of the island, covering the period until the Ottoman rule. (13) The writer notes in the preface to his book that he was sorry to write the history of Cyprus without seeing the island. Ziver Bey was born in Lesbos and served also in Rhodes, where he wrote a history of Rhodes in the same serial of Ottoman islands. (14)
Ibrahim Hakki Bey, who was working in the Department of Education and was appointed later as the chief inspector of the Turkish Cypriot schools, published in 1906 in Nicosia the first ever book of geography for the Turkish Cypriot elementary schools. “Muhtasar Kıbrıs Coğrafyası” (A Concise Geography of Cyprus) was a 65 paged book, printed in the Printing House of “Foni dis Kipru” in Nicosia. Hakki Bey wrote this in the preface: “The Moslem Board of Education decided to include in its curriculum Geography for the 3rd and 4th classes of the elementary schools. There was no such textbook available and I tried to fill this gab with this book, which I prepared with the information I compiled from the English and Greek Cypriot books and from the official government resources.”

This book gives detailed information about the physical geography of the island with its climate, animals and plants. Other sections on the 6 districts of the island, import and export, population, roads, administration and a short history of Cyprus from the periods B.C. up to the British rule completes the book. (15) Its second print was made in 1931.
According to the Minutes of the Moslem Board of Education for the years of 1912 to 1914, some Turkish Cypriot teachers proposed the Board to write the textbooks of the elementary schools and asked if the government undertakes the cost of printing. The Board decided that “the textbooks would be imported as before from Istanbul and the teacher’s proposal was rejected.” (16)  

The Minutes for the year of 1916 to 1918 reads: “Because of the ongoing First World War, it was not possible to import textbooks from Istanbul. If the chief inspector for the schools approves, the textbooks written by Hasan Cengiz for the elementary schools will be used locally.” (17)
The report of 1913 issued by the Education Department informs us that “the Moslems have, in the capital (Nicosia) an admirable institution called the Idadi School, which was, in the days before the British occupation, controlled and supported by the Turkish Government and then receives an annual Government grant of 384 pounds. It is controlled by a governing body and the course of instruction includes the Turkish language, Persian and Arabic, English and Modern Greek. Mathematics is taught on a modern and Western system and history and geography are included.” (18)

After the Ottoman Empire entered the war on the side of Germany, Britain annexed Cyprus on 5th November 1914, ending the sovereignty of the Ottomans on the island. The new republic of Turkey accepted this annexation in 1923 with the Agreement of Lausanne and the British declared Cyprus on 10th March 1925 as a “crown colony”.

In 1920 a new Education Law was enacted, which reorganized schools “other than the Greek- Christian”. Two major changes were brought through this law: First, the appointment of teachers came under the power of the Turkish Board of Education, but it was subject to confirmation by the high Commissioner; secondly, of the total amount required to meet the expenditure for these schools half of it was paid by the Government out of the general revenue. The Greeks resented the law, because in proportion to the small contribution made by the Turks (a minority of 2%) to the country’s revenue, the Government expenditure on the Turkish schools was too big… They felt that they were educating their enemy with “their own money”, when their hatred against the Turks had been revived because of the tragic events in Asia Minor of 1920. (19) The law of 1923 marked the first step towards centralization and the Greeks were forced to accept in 1923 what the Turks had accepted in 1920.
In the Minutes of the Moslem Board of Education in 1920-1922 period, there was a note that the inspector of the schools told the members: “The Government is not going to accept those textbooks, which include events about the First World War.” A committee was formed to select the textbooks for the Turkish Cypriots after a consultation with the Turkish Cypriot inspector of education, Mr. Ibrahim Hakki. (20)

1926 the first Short History of Cyprus (Muhtasar Kıbrıs Tarihi) was published in Nicosia by the Turkish Cypriot teacher, Mustafa Mithat. He was already the co-author of another book (Muhtasar Kıbrıs Coğrafyası ve Muhtasar Kıbrıs Tarihi) published in Istanbul in 1920, together with Ibrahim Hakki. The second print was made in Nicosia in 1930 with the name “Mekteblere Mahsus Küçük Kıbrıs Coğrafyası ve Küçük Kıbrıs Tarihi” (Concise Geography and Concise History of Cyprus for the Schools). The author of the Geography section was Ibrahim Hakki Bey, who already published his first book in 1906 in Nicosia and it covered 22 pages out of the whole 52 pages. The section on the history of Cyprus was written by M.(Mustafa)Mithat Bey, who was supposed to be one of the well-informed persons about the history of the island in his time. The history of Cyprus was dealt from the geological period up to the British occupation. The researcher, Harid Fedai, who introduced the contents of this book in Modern Turkish, writes that this textbook of geography and history was very useful for both the teachers and the pupils. (21) The third print was made in 1931, again in Nicosia.
The teacher of history at the lyceum for the boys in Nicosia, M.Mithad wrote this in the Yearbook 1933-1934 of the school: “Within the boundaries of the general history, as we teach the world events, it will be very appropriate to give a special place to the individual history of our island in our schools. This is my opinion.” (22)

The only secondary school for the Turkish Cypriot boys was the Idadi, which was called between 1922 and 1924 as Sultani. When the Sultan’s rule ended, the school was called Lise (lyceum).
From the Minutes of the Moslem Board of Education, we see a decision from the period 1922-1924 that 300 pieces of Cyprus map were to be printed in Turkey and to be distributed to the Turkish Cypriot schools. (23)

The Minutes from the period 1924-1926 records a decision of the Administrative Committee for the Turkish Secondary Schools to the effect that teachers for the history and geography would be appointed from Turkey and the textbooks of the lyceum would be the same as in Istanbul. The decision about the textbooks was repeated in the Minutes for the period 1928-1930. (24) We also see a decision that starting from 1st September 1929, books printed in Latin, instead of Arabic Alphabet should be taught in all the Turkish Cypriot elementary schools. (25)
After the Greek Cypriot rising of 1931 and the closure of the Legislative Council, the freedoms were curtailed by the Governor. “With the Education Law of 1933, the centralization system was completed. Thus: a) Textbooks were to be determined and supplied by the Government, b) Education Board and District Committee members were to be appointed by the Government, c) the Government was to have complete control over the Educational Taxes, d) the Board of Education would be reduced to the form of a consultative body only, e) in addition to these the Land Taxes of the Turkish people would be raised, in order to meet Educational expenses.

Up to 1933, however, the curriculum was being determined by the Board of Education. When this power passed to the Government under the new Law, a new curriculum was prepared for the Elementary schools and put into practice during the school-year 1935-36. As a result of this, the importation of the textbooks that were being brought from Turkey until then, was prohibited. As it was possible to prepare in Cyprus only the Primer and Reading books, instruction without a text-book for the rest of the subjects was put into practice… In 1936 English as a secondary language was added to the Elementary School Curriculum.” (26) The name of the Turkish Cypriot lyceum was changed into “Islamic Lyceum”, starting from the school-year 1936-37 and the teaching of Turkish history and Ataturkist principles were not desirable. (27)
Panayiotis K. Persianis writes that “contrary to what was feared, the Governor did not order the immediate change of textbooks (for the Greek Cypriots after 1931). With the exception of political maps showing Cyprus as part of Greek territory, which were prohibited by the proclamation of 23 December 1936 issued under the Seditious Publications Laws of 1931 and 1932. Readers and textbooks continued to be imported from Greece. The Cyprus Government did not order them to be changed even during World War 2, when the opportunity arose because of the German Government, at the time in exile in Egypt, to reprint the textbooks in Cyprus. The books were reprinted in 1942 and were used in Cyprus until 1948.” (28)

The Cyprus Turkish Lyceum in Nicosia was the centre of anti-British and pro-Turkish nationalism activities in the 1930’s. As mentioned above, the name of the lyceum was changed to “Islamic Lyceum” in 1937 by the newly appointed British veteran officer Mr. Harold Wood as the headmaster of the lyceum. The appointment of British headmasters since 1931 was already a matter of dispute between the colonial administration and the Turkish Cypriot nationalists on one hand and between the pro-British Evqafites and the Turkish Cypriot nationalists on the other hand. For example, Dr.Eyyub, a member of the Legislative Council and of the Lyceum Commission, was attacked by the other members, when he told: “Until the Republic of Turkey will be in a position to raise up such headmasters with enough competency and character to administer our lyceum, we have to accept the appointment of British headmasters.” (29)
Until the school-year 1943-1944, there was only one secondary school, that in Nicosia, but afterwards new secondary schools were opened in Famagusta, Limassol and Paphos for the Turkish Cypriots. The Cyprus Victoria Moslem Girls’ Technical School, which was established in 1901 and later turned into a secondary school, was raised to the status of a lyceum in 1952.

Education was among the important problems dealt by the “Turkish Affairs Commission” formed by the Colonial Government in 1948. We read from the Halkin Sesi daily on 30th October 1948 the following: “The Turkish Cypriots give more importance to their education in the last 10-15 years, but Mr. Cullen (the Head of Education Department) obstructs the teaching of the elementary books imported from Turkey.”
Another report in Halkin Sesi daily on the 8th June 1949 states: “According to the instruction of the Governor’s deputy, the term “Turkish Cypriots” will be used, instead of Moslems of Cyprus”.

In 1949, we see the amendment of the Educational Law of 1935 and a new “regulation for the curriculum” was prepared and the same coverage and time-tables for both Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot schools were accepted.
In the past period, Halil Fikret Alasya, who was a teacher at the lyceum, published in 1939 “The History of Cyprus (B.C.1450-A.D.1878) and its main antiquities” (174 pages), but it was not used as a textbook.

Alasya later immigrated to Turkey. Another émigré of Turkish Cypriot origin, Ismet Konur, who was a teacher of history in Denizli, published in 1938 in Istanbul his book “Turkish Cypriots”. The first 22 pages were about the history of Cyprus. His second book “The History of Cyprus and the Turkish Monuments in Cyprus” was published in 1946 in Adana. Konur was very critical of the British in his both books and they were banned in Cyprus.
Starting from the school-year 1950-1951, the British headmaster of the lyceum retired and a new headmaster from Turkey, who was of Turkish Cypriot origin, was appointed. Now the school was called again as “The Turkish Lyceum”. Turkish national days were accepted as school holidays. (30)

In 1951 “Halk ve Çocuklara Resimli Kıbrıs Tarih Bilgisi” (Illustrated Knowledge on History for the People and Children) was published by an elementary school teacher, Fikri Karayel, which was used at the schools. The Department of Education was publishing two monthly school magazines, called “Pictorial Education” and “Children’s Journal” in Greek and Turkish languages. These publications were distributed free of charge and the Church leaders tried to prevent their being circulated among the Greek Cypriot children on the ground that they were published merely for propaganda purposes. (31)
Turkish Cypriot Board of Education for the years 1955-1956 decided to abolish the methods of teaching without textbooks and that the history books together with the others would be supplied from Turkey. For the school-year 1956-1957, we read this decision in the Minutes: “Greek language will not be taught anymore at the secondary schools and lyceums.” (32)

Again in 1956, the new Director of Education, W. B. Tudhope, tried to break the rigid centralization, which had remained in force since 1933. He announced a policy of “partnership”, by which the Greek and Turkish communities were invited to take over extensive control of their education. According to the new arrangement, education, instead of being divided on a level basis, was henceforth to be differentiated on a community basis. Administration was divided between officers, who would be responsible to the Deputy Director. A Greek Cypriot Education Officer would be responsible for the Greek elementary and secondary education, a Turkish Cypriot for the Turkish education and a British Officer for the Government and inter-communal schools and institutions. (33)

One of the first decisions of the Turkish Cypriot Board of Education, taken on 1st April 1957, was to supply the textbooks for the school-year 1957-1958 from Turkey. The text-books of Arithmetic, Religion and Civics were to be printed in Cyprus. (34)
Starting from 9th October 1958, Mr. Fuat Sami was appointed as the Turkish Cypriot Education Officer and the Minutes of the Board was recorded only in Turkish, not anymore in English too. (35)

The 23rd April was declared as in Turkey a public holiday for the elementary schools. For the school-years 1958-1958, a decision was taken for the printing of all textbooks used in the elementary schools in Turkey. On the 9th June 1959, the administration of the Turkish Cypriot Education was given to the Turkish Cypriot community, which decided to raise the Turkish flag every weekend at the schools with a ceremony. (36)
At the end of the British rule, the Turkish Cypriots had seven lyceums, three secondary schools one institute and two technical schools. Of these, only one lyceum, three secondary schools and one institute were being run with the financial aid of the Government of the Turkish Republic. The ten remaining secondary educational institutions were under the administration and control of the Education Office. In 1960, the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus in Article 87, paragraph b, transferred “all educational, cultural and teaching matters” under the jurisdiction of the Turkish Cypriot Communal Chamber. (37)

In 1959, a mainland Turkish teacher of history published “An Outline of the History of Cyprus” in Nicosia. This was followed another book, by Ahmet Gazioğlu, a Turkish Cypriot teacher, “Cyprus under British Rule – Matters of Status and Constitution (1878-1960)” in 1960. Both were not used as textbooks.
Those textbooks about geography and history of Cyprus published during the British rule were not critical about the British administration as we examined. But the situation changed when the British left the island and the education was left to the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots.  

The first Turkish Cypriot textbook of Cyprus History, published after the clashes of December 1963, was the one, written by a teacher of history, Vergi H. Bedevi: “From the early beginning up to our time, The History of Cyprus”, published in Nicosia in 1966. This 226 paged book was approved by the Turkish Department of Education as an ancillary textbook with its decision No.28/62, dated 7th February 1966.
The section 5 of the book starts with “The rent of Cyprus to England”. The following evaluation ends up the section: “The change of administration (to British) in Cyprus was greeted by the Greek Government and the Greek Cypriots, because they were hoping that this would end up with the union of Cyprus with Greece. Moreover, one of the Cypriot Bishops, Kyprianos, spoke on the occasion of Sir Wolseley’s arrival: “Like England did it for the Greek Islands, we believe that she will help us for our annexation to our motherland Greece. That’s why we are happy with the British administration.” (p.167)

The following sections are as follows:

6. The British administrative system (p.167)

7. Annexation of Cyprus to England (p.169)

8. Cyprus in Lausanne Agreement (p.171)

9. The change in 1925 (to Crown Colony) (p.172)

10. Rebellion of 1931. Here the three reasons of the rebellion were given such as:

            1. Colonialist policy of England on the island and non-recognition of the basic right

                  to local autonomy as she did it in its other colonies in Asia and Africa.

            2. Growing crisis of the economic situation on the island

3. Systemic propaganda for the union of Cyprus with Greece (p.173)

11. The period between 1931 and 1959. Here we see references to “two important changes in

      Cyprus after the Second World War: 1) Formation of a Communist Party, named AKEL

      and 2) Labour Party gets into power in England.” There is also information about the

      political organization of Turkish Cypriots, namely the KATAK. In 1948, main demands of

      the Turkish Cypriots from the Colonial Government are listed as follows:

1.      Handing the Evqaf to the Turkish community.

2.      Putting the Turkish schools out of the absolute control of the government and the election of the members of the school commission by the people themselves.

3.      Allowing the election of a Mufti for the Turkish community.

4.      Change of the Inheritance Law for Moslems.

5.      Abolition of the Religious Sheri Courts, Preparation of a New and Modern Family Law and Establishment of Modern Family Courts.

   Reference was also made to the activities of the Greek Cypriots for the Union of Cyprus with Greece (enosis). The position of Greece and Turkey, the developments in the years 1954 to 1959 (p.181-194) and a summary of the Agreements of Guarantee and Alliance (p.195) are dealt with. The list of the British High Commissioners and Governors ends the chapters on the British Rule (p.196)

The approach of the writer of the book can be defined as nationalist, but not as chauvinist in general. On the back-cover of the book, it was stressed that there was no objective history of Cyprus and this book would fill the gap, breaking the monopoly of the foreign history writers. The book was published by the Cyprus Turkish History Association.

In 1967, a Turkish Cypriot teacher of geography, Ali Beyoğlu, published his “Geography of Cyprus” in Nicosia. This 82 paged book was written as “a contribution to the Turkish Cypriot culture” as the writer put it in the preface and it was not used as a textbook in the schools. In the references of both books, we see two mimeographs, prepared by special commissions, but they are not used as textbooks as well: “Notes of the History of Cyprus – Three Parts, Nicosia 1962” and “Geography of Cyprus” – Three Parts, Nicosia 1962”. Turkish Cypriot Education Department prepared a third book on Civics, but all of the three books were not published officially for the reasons we could not learn.

 A new “History of Cyprus” was published in November 1970 by the new President of the Cyprus Turkish History Association, Vehbi Zeki. This 180 paged book was approved by the Cyprus Turkish Directorate for Education on 1st February 1971 as the “textbook” for the lessons of History of Cyprus at the secondary schools’ first, second and third classes. More than 10 reprints of this textbook were made and it is still in use.

Two chapters of this book deal with the British Rule in Cyprus. The 8th chapter has the title “English Sovereignty in Cyprus”. General outlines of the lesson are summarized in 13 parts with related explanatory questions.

Mr.Vehbi Zeki writes on p.102: “The hand-over of the Turkish Administration to the British was received with some resistance even if it was small in scale. A patriotic Turkish officer in Famagusta resisted with gun-fire at the head of his division against the British occupation. The local Council in Limassol did not recognize the British occupation, but later under the use of force, it accepted the new situation.

As the Turkish flag was lowered in Nicosia and the British flag was raised, a Greek Cypriot insulted a Turkish officer during this ceremony. The Turkish officer took his sword out and attacked the man, but the pallikaria was able to escape through the crowd.

The Greek Cypriots, as they had done in the course of history, accepted their new masters. They were happy to see the Turks leaving, who had saved them then from slavery and gave them all kinds of opportunities.”

On p.103, there is an extract from Rauf Denktash’s book “Cyprus: Five Minutes before Twelve” about the ceremony of downing the Ottoman flag, ending with this sentence: “Without exaggeration, one can say that with this flag ceremony, the political rope-game between the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots had begun.” (p.105)

The evaluation of the measures taken after 1931 was done by the writer in the following manner: “After the rebellion on 21st October 1931, these measures were taken:

1.      The Greek Consul, Kyrou, was called back to Greece.

2.      The Legislative Council was abolished.  

3.      The Kitium Bishop, Nikodemos and his friends were exiled from Cyprus.

4.      Many liberties were restricted. For example, the restriction of the freedom of press, appointment of the village-heads, instead of their election by the people, banning of raising the flags without getting permission from the authorities etc.

5.      The damage, caused by the rebellion, 34.345 Cyprus pounds, was to be collected from the villages and towns, participated at this rebellion.

6.      The political parties were banned.

7.      The press was put under censorship.

8.      The teaching of Turkish and Greek history in the schools was prohibited.

              We have to stress here with sorrow that the above measures were applied also to the

              Turkish Cypriot community, although they were not at fault and did not take any part

               in the rebellion.” (p.108-109)

The reason of the rebellion in 1931 is described here as follow: “Indeed, the Greeks were planning a rebellion for the “union”. The problem of the budget’s refusal was only a pretext.” Vergi Bedevi uses “Kavanin Meclisi” as the right translation of the “Legislative Assembly”, whereas Vehbi Zeki uses “Teşrii Meclis”, which was not the word used in practice, probably taken from the books, written by mainland Turks.

There is reference to the KATAK, but it adds this: “There was soon a disagreement among the party members. Dr. F. Kucuk and his friends left the party and formed another under the name “Cyprus National Turkish People’s Party, which later in 1948 reunited under the name “Cyprus National Unity Party.” (p.109) The other political developments in the Cyprus problem are described up to the Macmillan Plan. On p.114 there is a map of the villages, where the Turkish Cypriots were attacked by the EOKA terror organization in 1955-58. In the text it reads: “The EOKA murderers destroyed many Turkish villages with their brutal attacks.” (p.113) It continues: “For the cause of separating the joint municipalities, pro-partition meetings were organized by the attacks. But those meetings, which had no back-thoughts were attacked brutally by the British soldiers and 7 innocent race-brothers of ours were killed as the result of this. Later meetings were staged in the Motherland for Cyprus. As the island was painted with blood, the British Prime Minister Macmillan announced new proposals for the administration of Cyprus on 19th June 1958.” (p.112)

These important events in May-June 1958 are described in Bedevi’s book with another aspect:  “This incidence raised the tension in Cyprus and excited the Turks of the island… As the idea of partition grew stronger once more, the mainland Turkish youth opened “a campaign for volunteers” to fight in a possible civil war in Cyprus. 25.000 Turkish youths applied to come to Cyprus and fight shoulder-to-shoulder with the Turkish Cypriots… The first meeting of 300,000 people took place in Istanbul on 8th June. It was followed by others in seven leading cities.” (p.189) There is also a list of the fallen Turkish Cypriots in June-August 1958 on pages 190-191.

Vehbi Zeki writes about the “Search for a solution to the Cyprus problem” in the 9th Chapter (p.117-124) There is a summary of the Zürich and London Agreements on p.118-121.

On p.121, we read the arrival of the Turkish soldiers in Cyprus in this sentence: “After 82 years of its departure, the representative of the brave Turkish Army, the Turkish Contingent in Cyprus landed once again on Turkish Cyprus on 16th August 1960.” We see another extract from Rauf Denktash, “speaking to the brave Turkish soldiers in the name of the Turkish Cypriots.” Vehbi Zeki illustrates the section with four pictures of the Turkish contingent and he writes: “After 82 years of separation, the Turkish soldiers stepped on Turkish Cyprus once again with the decisiveness of never leaving the island again.” (p.124)

In this book, there is also a small section, two and half pages, about “The education in Cyprus during the British period” (p.114-116), which says: “During the British period, the Turkish Cypriot schools in general were under great pressure. Even the pictures of Ataturk and other Turkish dignitaries were removed with putting those of the British king and dignitaries. We used to have the British flag on the masts and sing the march “God save the King”. Despite all the pressure of the British government, the hard-working Turkish teachers educated the youth loyal to the reforms of Ataturk.” (p.116)

In the Turkish Cypriot lyceums, the textbook of “History of the Struggle of the Turkish Cypriots (1878-1981” by Zeki Serter and Ozan Zeki Fikretoglu, first published in 1982 in Nicosia is taught. This book was originally written in three volumes, dealing with the periods 1878-1959, 1959-1963 and 1963-1975 respectively and its author, Dr. Vehbi Zeki Serter was also the Educational Inspector of the Ministry for Education, Culture and Youth. With the decision of the Directorate of Education on 25th June 1973, it was approved as ancillary textbook for the lessons of “History of (Turkish) Revolution”.  It is interesting that there is a note in the first print of the book: “This book is examined by Rauf R. Denktash, Vice-President and the President of the Turkish Administration.” The first print of the book was dedicated to the 50th Anniversary of the Republic of Turkey.

In 1982, a concise textbook of 104 pages was printed. This time Serter worked with Fikretoglu, who was the Director of Instruction and Training at the Ministry of Education. This “History of Struggle of the Turkish Cypriots” was approved on 14th January 1982 for the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Classes of the Lyceum as textbook.

The British rule is dealt in three chapters: Chapter 2 (Cyprus during the English Administration), Chapter 3 (The 1956-59 Period) and Chapter 4 (The transitory period, February 1959-August 1960).

Some extracts from the Chapter 2 are given below:

“The 1890’s are the years, full of activities of the Greek Cypriot community, aimed at the union of the island with Greece and we see the concentrated initiatives of the Turkish Cypriot community in order to block these initiatives… As British Deputy Minister of Colonies, Sir Winston Churchill, who was on a visit to the island in 1907 left Cyprus, he addressed to the Greek Cypriots in Limassol: “Since there are Turkish and Greek communities here, it is not possible to have enosis. If you want your country to have a high standard of living, you have to find a way to cooperate with the other community in a friendly manner.” This period is full of injustice, done to the Turkish Cypriots by the colonial administration in the public offices and municipalities. Therefore, one can find many complaints, published in the local Turkish Cypriot newspapers. For example, although the town Polis has an equal population of the Greek and Turkish Cypriots, the nearby Greek Cypriot villages were put within the boundaries of Polis, but the nearer Turkish Cypriot villages were excluded. Another example was favouring Varosha and not Famagusta, the old city. The revenue gathered from the Port of Famagusta was used for the works of illumination and cleaning in Varosha, whereas the Turkish Cypriot part of the town, Famagusta, could not benefit from such works. Another complaint was that the Greek Cypriots were favoured by the appointments to the vacant posts in the Police, instead of Turkish Cypriots, who were at their right turn. The Greek Cypriots could not have teachers from Greece, whereas this right was not given to the Turkish Cypriots… The period 1878-1931 gave the control of the Evkaf to the government despite the reaction of the Turkish Cypriots, there were British headmasters at the Turkish Lyceums, one for the boys and one for the girls, the posts at the public services were given preferably to the Greek Cypriots, the municipalities under the Greek rule took care of the Greek quarters, whereas Turkish quarters were neglected.” (p.12)   

There are new events mentioned in this book. For example, convening of the Cyprus Turkish National Congress on 1st May 1931 and it gives the list of demands of the Turkish Cypriots from the British administration. (p.13) The measures, taken by the British after the rebellion of 1931, are listed on p.13 and the writer comments: “Thus, the Colonial Administration was punishing the Turkish community, which was loyal to the laws, as well as the Greeks, who were responsible from the rebellion. Especially the pressure on educational institutions and prohibitions were felt, but the sacrificing Turkish teacher resisted and the values of Turkishness were transferred to the pupils in secret manner.” (p.13)

The Turkish Cypriot reaction to the 1950 Plebiscite, the position of the Turkish Government, the formation of the Turkish Cypriot Federation of Associations, which later, at the end of 1957, got its news President, Rauf R. Denktash, who was the chief solicitor of the British Colonial Government are the other developments referred to. (p.15-16) The events from 1951 to 1955 are dealt later (p.16-22) with special sub-section on London Conference.

The 3rd Chapter deals with the developments in 1956, 57 and 58, ending with the Zürich and London Agreements. (p.23-36)

The 4th Chapter is short, only three pages. It reports about the elections for the posts in the new Republic, the landing of the Turkish and Greek Contingents and the reflections of the new Republic’s Declaration in the Greek Cypriot press, which saw it as a new start for the final goal, the union of the island with Greece. (p.43-44)

There have been a lot of criticism of the books, written by Vehbi Zeki Serter, which made many reprints since 1970, but there is no change in the policy of education. One of the last critics about the methods of selling the book at the schools and about the contents of the book appeared in Vatan newspaper on 5th November 1992: “From our point of view, among the unnecessary lessons given in our schools, the lesson of Turkish Cypriot History is the most important. What a pity that our glorious history is lost in the book of Vehbi Zeki and almost no mention is made to our recent history. The Ministry of Education has not allocated the necessary money for a comprehensive book, but it brings the years-old book of Vehbi Zeki every year into the young brains. (Metin Semerci)”

There was lately a seminar for the teachers of History and Social Knowledge, titled “new Approaches in the teaching of Cyprus History”, but this was again sick of chauvinism . (38)

The last minister of Education and Culture, Mehmet Ali Talat, who was appointed in January 1994, tried to make some changes in the curriculum, but he was attacked by the chauvinist press. The parents are also critical of the textbooks, dealing with Cyprus history. One of them complained: “The Greek Cypriots teach chauvinism at their schools, but we should not do the same with giving this as a pretext. The chauvinist contents of the textbooks of Cypriot History should be changed.” The police raided the place, where the meeting took place with the Minister and an interrogation was started immediately, asking, who was talking destructively and who the Minister was. (39)
The other textbooks taught at the schools of the Turkish Cypriots are all imported from Turkey. In some years the textbooks arrive late or some of them fail. (40) The textbook of National Geography I has two and a half pages about Cyprus, stating that the part, where the Turks are living is the TRNC in the northern part of the island: “The inhabitants of this part call our country as “Motherland” or “our race-brothers in the Northern part live within the boundaries of the TRNC under the guarantee of their motherland” are the examples of the approach to the island, giving the perspectives: “The Turkish Cypriot side believes in a bi-communal, bi-regional and politically equal federal framework, where both peoples could come together and this is only possible with the active and influential guarantee of Turkey.” (41)

It is interesting that when there was a meeting in Ankara about a joint textbook of History and Literature for all the Turkic republics, the TRNC was not invited on the ground that there was no need to invite the TRNC, since Cyprus is seen as a part of Turkey. The Ministry of National Education of Turkey said: “Cyprus already uses the same curriculum as in Turkey and we did not need to invite a special representative from Cyprus.” (42)
That concludes our evaluation of the Turkish Cypriot textbooks and the British rule in Turkish Cypriot textbooks.

NOTES:
1.      Zia, Dr.Nasim, Kıbrıs’ın İngiltere’ye geçişi ve Adada kurulan İngiliz İdaresi, Ankara 1975, p.79-80
2.      Excerpta Cypria, Nicosia 1969, p.490
3.      Keshishian, Kevork K., Romantisches Zypern, Nicosia, p.35
4.      An, Ahmet, Turkish Cypriot Bibliography 1878-1963, in Deldio Bibliografikis Eterias Kipru, Tomos G (1990), Lefkosia 1991, p.181
5.       Beckingham, C. F., The Turks of Cyprus, in the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol.87, Part 2, 1957, p.164-174
6.      Suha, Ali, Turkish Education in Cyprus, in the First International Congress of Cypriot Studies, 14-19 April 1969-Papers of the Turkish Delegation, Ankara 1971, p.240
7.      Ibid, p.236-237
8.      Ibid, p.239-240
9.      Ibid, p.241
10.  Orr, Captain C.W.J., Cyprus under British Rule, London 1972, p.122-123
11.  Behçet, Hasan, Kıbrıs Türk Maarif Tarihi (1571-1968), Lefkoşa 1969, p.75
12.  Ibid, p.79
13.  Fedai, Harid, İlklerden bir kitap: Ziver Bey’in Kıbrıs Tarihi, Yeni Kıbrıs, Eylül 1989
14.  Fedai, Harid, Ziver Bey’in Kimliği, Türk Bankası Kültür-Sanat Dergisi, Sayı:11, November 1992
15.  Fedai, Harid, Muhtasar Kıbrıs Coğrafyası, Söz, 20-23 November 1984
16.  Behçet, Hasan, ibid, p.86
17.  Ibid, p.88
18.  Orr, Captain C.W.J., ibid, p.133
19.  Persianis, Panayiotis K., Church and State in Cyprus Education, Nicosia 1978, p.91
20.  Behçet, Hasan, ibid, p.89, p.92
21.  Fedai, Harid, Muhtasar Kıbrıs Coğrafyası ve Muhtasar Kıbrıs Tarihi, Söz, 23-26 November 1984
22.  Kıbrıs Erkek Lisesi Mecmuası 1933-1934 Yıllığı, p.29
23.  Behçet, Hasan, ibid, p.133
24.  Ibid, p.127, p.133
25.  Ibid, p.97
26.  Suha, Ali, ibid, p.242
27.  Behçet, Hasan, ibid, p.728
28.  Persianis, Panatiotis K., ibid, p.170
29.  Behçet, Hasan, ibid, p.612
30.  Ibid, p.719-720
31.  Persianis, Panatiotis K., ibid, p.172
32.  Behçet, Hasan, ibid, p.141
33.  Persianis, Panatiotis K., ibid, p.111
34.  Tekakpınar, Kemal and Demiray Doğasal, Dr. Fazıl Küçük (1906-1984), Nicosia 1991, p.765
35.  Behçet, Hasan, ibid, p.106
36.  ibid, p.108-109
37.  Suha, Ali, ibid, p.244
38.  Halkın Sesi, 15 February 1990
39.  Kıbrıs, 2 February 1994
40.  Kıbrıs, 9 October 1993
41.  Orta Okullar için Milli Coğrafya I, 4. Basılış, Ankara 1992
42.  Cumhuriyet, 31 March 1993

(This paper was originally prepared and read for the first time in English at the international conference on “Cyprus in Textbooks-Textbooks in Cyprus”, organized by Georg-Eckert Institute for International Textbook Research in Braunschweig-Germany between 28.4 and 1.5.1994. It was published later in “Cyprus Review” Journal, Nicosia, Volume 6:1, Spring 1994, pp. 65–79)

ECEVIT’S PROPOSAL AND FEDERATION


It is well-known that as a result of the conflict between the enosis-ists and the partition-ists, the Cyprus problem re-flamed once again in December 1963 and the intercommunal talks were started on June 24, 1968 in order to find out a solution to the problem. The aim of the talks was to reach through peaceful means to an agreement, based on the principles of an “independent, sovereign and unitary state”. The talks were reinforced and started again on June 3, 1972 with the participation of constitutional experts. In these five-party negotiations the sides were able to reach to an agreement on the subjects of executive, legislative and the judiciary and the Turkish and Greek constitutional experts were given the task to find a solution to the problem of local administration, which caused long discussions. After a compromise was reached on the controversial subjects of police and courts, there was an expectation for the signing of an overall agreement in the year 1974.
When the Republican People’s Party got into the power in Turkey together with the National Salvation Party and proposed “a federal state structure for the solution of Cyprus problem” in its government program, the inter-communal talks were cut off on April 2, 1974. On the other hand, the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community, Rauf Denktas began to talk about the possible declaration of a separate Turkish Cypriot state. According to the Greek Cypriot’s point of view, it was no use to continue the inter-communal talks since Turkey deviated from the policy of a unitary state to the thesis of a federal state and this was told by the then Prime Minister of Turkey, Bulent Ecevit and by this, he was undermining the inter-communal talks.
After three months, a de facto situation was created by the aborted coup d’Etat against President Makarios, organized by the fascist Greek junta and its military forces in the Greek Cypriot sector on July 15, 1974 and thus on August 16, 1974, on the 16th anniversary of the foundation of the Republic of Cyprus, the island’s territory was partitioned into two regions, one in the North for the Turkish Cypriots and the other in the South for the Greek Cypriots.

Nicos Sampson, who was appointed as the leader of the fascist junta in Cyprus, wrote in his memoirs, published in 1981 in Eleftheri Ora newspaper in Athens: “The responsible persons of this betrayal got together with Ecevit months before and agreed with him. They proposed Ecevit to give Kyrenia town and its sub-districts to the Turks. This was supposed to be thought within the frame of a final solution to the Cyprus problem. Thus Kyrenia would be connected with the Turkish sector of the town of Nicosia, which was in the hands of the Turks since 1963. In this framework of the agreements, the responsible persons of the betrayal agreed with Ecevit also on a population transfer and to find a federal solution.” (Sampson’s Memoirs, published in mimeograph by the PIO of the TFSC, February 1983, p.81-82)
After the declaration of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus on February 13, 1975, all the member states of the UN Security Council, which met between February 20 and March 12 agreed sensitively on the point that the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity nd the non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus should be respected.

Rauf Denktas declared in an interview with Milliyet newspaper on December 20, 1975 that from the Turkish Cypriots’ point of view, if the thesis of bi-regional federation would not be accepted, the only solution will be to get united with Turkey. He gave later various statements that in the year 1976 he could under these circumstances establish an independent Turkish Cypriot State. In the first government program of the National Unity Party, declared on July 12, 1976, the right of declaring a separate independent state in Cyprus was reserved. (Milliyet, 13 July 1976)
With the declaration of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus on November 15, 1983, all the relations with the Republic of Cyprus were completely broken off. The UN Security Council Resolution No.541 of November 18, asked for the reversal of this decision and the declaration of the TRNC was branded as illegal. The Secretary-General of the UN was urged to find the ways of starting the inter-communal talks as soon as possible. The talks were started on September 10, 1984 and the talks passed through various stages, coming to the Denktas-Vassiliou summit of February 26, 1990. It was expected that a draft agreement would be signed at this meeting, but Rauf Denktas went outside the framework agreed on until so far and asked for the right of self-determination for the Turkish Cypriots, thus bringing the summit into a deadlock.

On March 5, 1990, the “Conquerer of Northern Cyprus” and the Chairman of the Democratic Left Party, Bulent Ecevit, issued a written statement, in which he proposed the following: “As an interim solution, the TRNC can be an autonomous state, whose foreign affairs and external security will be dependent on Turkey, but its regime will be determined by itself and all the internal affairs will be governed by itself. Of course such an interim solution could only put into practice if the Turkish Cypriot people find it appropriate after a democratic referandum.”

Rauf Denktas regarded this proposal as “a realist approach, on which we should think about” and said: “It is reasonal and mindful to exercise the representation of Cyprus through the Turkish Embassies and by this we can reach to the World. This is a necessary situation, which the Greek Cypriots created against us. Such an agreement can be made and from my point of view it will be useful.”

The chairman of the National Unity Party and the Prime Minister Dervis Eroglu declared that he welcomed the proposal made by Ecevit with satisfaction and that the NUP since the day of its foundation made the first step, having in mind the idea of establishing a separate Turkish state in Cyprus.

On the other hand, according to a newsitem, published in the Greek Cypriot press on March 11, 1990 and quoted from the Italian newspaper “Corriera della Sera”, the UN Secretary-General told the Italian Prime Minister Andreotti at a meeting in New York on March 8, 1990 that “a part of Cyprus cannot be the Puerto Rico of Turkey.”

In fact Ecevit’s proposal and the similarity made by Mr. De Cuellar fit into each other. Because between Puerto Rico, the most eastern island of the Caribbean Sea and the USA, there is the same relationship of a partnership, just like the proposed one to be between the TRNC and Turkey. Since 1898, the USA keeps the island under its occupation and the three million people, living on the island of Puerto Rico, are regarded as the citizens of the USA since 1919. Puerto Rico was granted the right of electing its governor in 1948 and approved its own constitution in 1952 with a referandum and the US Congress gave a free state status to this island state, which remains dependent on the USA. The Puerto Ricans do not have their representative in the US Congress and they do not pay the federal tax. Just like Ecevit’s proposal, the US government is responsible for the defense and foreign affairs of Puerto Rico. At the referandum of July 23, 1967, 61% of the voters wanted the continuation of the partnership state status with the USA and 39% voted for the union with the USA. In the elections of 1972, the Populist Democratic Party, which has been in power since 1940 and the New Progressive Party received 95% of the votes and proved the dominancy of the policy,  which advocates union with the USA. The Puerto Rico Independence Movement, which was started in 1968, is kept under oppression.

If we return to Ecevit’s proposal, we see the following: “This proposal will not put aside the federal solution from the agenda and will not obstruct it. On the contrary, this will end the illusion of the Greek Cypriots for return and may be it will market the federal solution easy.” As it is seen here too, the double-faced policy and the dishonesty of Turkey, which has been exercised since 1964 on the Cyprus problem is obvious. It will be recalled that the then Prime Minister of Turkey, Ismet Inonu, had declared the aim of the Turkish policy as partition of the island by saying: “Just to be within the framework of the agreement, we started to discuss officially with federation form, rather than using the word partition.” (Nihat Erim, As I know and recall Cyprus, Ankara 1975, p.427-428)

Therefore, starting from the first written Turkish proposals handed over to the Greek Cypriot side in April 1977 in Vienna, up to the last document of 27 pages put on the table in New York on February 26, 1990, the dominating view is to impose the existence of two separate states in Cyprus under the guise of federation. The reality on the other side of the medaillon is that the northern part of Cyprus is practically treated as a province of Turkey since 1974. It is not fair to accuse the Greek Cypriot side as if they do not want federation. The Turkish Cypriot side transfers to the other side the blame, whose responsibility it has, that is, it does not want a solution. The stage that we have arrived today by uttering federation is the demand of the acceptance by the World that Northern Cyprus would turn into the Puerto Rico of Turkey. This de facto situation, which has been continuing for the 16 years now, by depending on a military power is not acceptable as de jure, because of their incompatibility with the principles of international law, UN Charter and the Helsinki Final Act. The reunification of the island of Cyprus is only possible if the principles of international law are respected and a constructive attitude is adopted for the establishment of a real federal state. Proposals for confederation or proposals for a federation between the Republic of Turkey and the TRNC do not serve to peace, but only to the chauvinist and expansionist aims of Turkey on the island of Cyprus.

The return to the thesis of a federal state, meaning the partition of the island, had unmasked once again the target, which Inonu pointed in 1964. This shows the strategy of the uncompromising Turkish Cypriot leadership and what it means with federation. The real federalists and those, who defend the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and the non-alignment of Cyprus, have to stress on this wrongness and keep the anti-peace aspect of this strategy always on the agenda.

(The Greek translation of this article was published under the name of Ahmet An in the Greek Cypriot newspaper Embros on 20 May 1990)